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Fight for economic equity under ‘assault’ 60 years after March on Washington, advocates warn on August 24, 2023 at 10:00 am Business News | The Hill

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Sixty years after civil rights leaders demanded equal access to employment and fair wages for Black Americans at the historic March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, economic equity is still far from a reality in the U.S. 

While advocates acknowledge that some strides have been made in the decades since the march, notable gaps persist between Black and white Americans in areas such as wealth and income, joblessness and homeownership.

And concern is mounting that further progress could be threatened amid rising racial tensions.

“We are strongly not on the path of bridging inequality,” said Dedrick Asante-Muhammad, chief of Race, Wealth and Community for the National Community Reinvestment Coalition (NCRC). 

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“I think oftentimes, people approach it like, ‘Oh, we’re almost there. There’s a few things we got to do,’” he said. But, he argued, “We are on a very clear path of ongoing Black-white economic apartheid for centuries — unless we do radical policy change.” 

Glaring disparities persist decades later 

Roughly 250,000 people gathered for the march on Aug. 28, 1963, with a list of demands from Washington for effective policy combatting discrimination in federal programs and in labor, including calls for a “decent” minimum wage, housing and education for all Americans. 

Decades later, experts and advocates point to significant remaining disparities between races.

The racial wealth gap has narrowed only slightly since the march. The ratio between white and Black wealth per capita saw a notable decline in the years following emancipation, according to a June 2022 paper published by the National Bureau of Economic Research. In 1860, that ratio stood at roughly 60-to-1. By the 1920s, it was down to 10-to-1. 

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But it decreased much more slowly in the years that followed, reaching 7-to-1 in the 1950s before inching to “a similar magnitude of 6-to-1” roughly seven decades later.

Among the factors that likely slowed progress in closing the gap, the report cites the revival of the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s and the nation’s lengthy history of racist laws and practices, ranging from political disenfranchisement of Black Americans to Jim Crow-era policies. 

“You have to be honest about these policies and their impacts,” said Algernon Austin, the Director for Race and Economic Justice at the Center for Economic and Policy Research. “And then when you fail to do that, then people who have political agendas to maintain, frankly, to maintain white supremacy, then can attack all these attempts at remediation.”

Other economic disparities have also persisted into the present day. Among Americans who are employed, research from the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) showed the typical Black worker made more than 24 percent less than their white counterparts per hour in 2019 — a figure the group noted was about 8 percentage points higher than it was four decades earlier.

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There is much more work to be done to address the Black-white homeownership gap, advocates add. A 2022 report from the National Association of Real Estate Brokers found the Black homeownership rate had “only modestly” increased since the 1968 passage of the Fair Housing Act, while the racial homeownership gap has widened over the years.

The report found the homeownership disparity between Black and white Americans, which sat at 23.8 percent in 1970, reached more than 31 percent five decades later. It said the gap hit 30 percent in 2022, continuing what the group called “a two-decades long trend of an expanding homeownership gap between Blacks and whites.”

“We have housing disparities that are wider than they were during Jim Crow,” said Samantha Tweedy, chief executive officer for the Black Economic Alliance, in an interview, calling housing “one of the foremost drivers of wealth in this country.”

Earlier this year, the White House cheered data showing the Black unemployment rate fell to a historic low in March, with Bharat Ramamurti, deputy director of the White House National Economic Council, calling the news an “incredible milestone” in remarks to TheGrio at the time

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“President [Biden] and Vice President [Harris], from the moment that they came into office, identified that they not only wanted to have a strong economic recovery, they wanted to have an equitable recovery,” Ramamurti said then.

The rate hit 5 percent in March, compared to a 3.2 percent unemployment rate for white Americans, and fell again in April, reaching 4.7 percent, before seeing upticks in the following months. But advocates are pushing for more sustained improvements.

“You can’t draw any conclusions from one month of numbers,” National Urban League President Marc Morial said. “The issue is, is the gap now over a one-, two-, three-year period?”

“​​While I like to see the gap narrow, I’m not popping a cork on one or two months of a narrower gap,” he added, adding: “We have to measure these things in sustainability.”

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At the same time, experts have pointed to some progress the nation has made toward racial economic equality over a longer time, including headway in educational attainment and an overall drop in the poverty rate for Black Americans — which data from EPI shows declined more than 12 percent between 1968, when it sat at 34.7 percent, and 2016.

“In 1962, whites had about 2.4 times the four-year college attainment level of Blacks,” Asante-Muhammad said, while discussing the racial gap in higher education. “In 2022, it’s 1.7. So still, serious disparities, but there has been some bridging over those years.”

However, he also notes African Americans with college degrees don’t have equal levels of employment to their white counterparts, nor “have equal income levels and really don’t have equal wealth levels.”

“Even with kind of solid educational attainment, even with less segregation, more civil rights laws, we still see this massive income inequality that, if it continued to improve, as it has been since 1963, it would take us over 500 years for Blacks just to get income equality with whites,” he argued. 

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Research shows views of capitalism have shifted among Black Americans over the years, with a 2022 survey from the Pew Research Center finding 54 percent of Black adults said “they had a very or somewhat negative impression of capitalism.” The number is a 14-percentage-point jump from 2019.

“The question is, is it working for me?” Morial said of the findings. “That’s the issue.”

“People are saying, well, if I don’t think I’ve got a fair wage, well, they’re gonna tell you they don’t think the economic system’s working for them,” he said. “It’s less of a philosophical question and more of a practical question.”

‘A threat to progress’

There is concern among advocates and experts that an increased focus by conservatives on affirmative action and diversity initiatives could add greater hurdles to the battle for economic equality in the years ahead.

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“The biggest threat is the right-wing assault on the policies which have made a difference,” National Urban League president Marc Morial said. “They’ve not made enough of a difference, but they’ve made a difference. It’s an assault by right-wing interests.”

From GOP-led efforts restricting how race is taught in schools across the country to those targeting affirmative action, advocates have been sounding alarms over what they see as a backlash to initiatives aimed at improving racial diversity and inclusion that gained momentum during the months of global protests against police brutality following the murder of George Floyd in 2020.

Bills have also gained traction in the Republican House majority that seek to take aim at diversity training and efforts to increase representation as part of a larger so-called “anti-woke” push proponents say is needed to tackle unfair and unnecessary race initiatives.

“When you’re trying to reduce some of this burden that’s been placed on these victims of racial subjugation, and you’re calling that racist, it’s racist to call that racist,” Austin said.

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“That’s the problem in this society, which is in fact why we need to talk about race more, and more honestly, because we live in a society where being white has been a positive, has given you preferences in varieties of ways,” he said, citing the impact of redlining, segregation, criminal justice policies and underfunding schools in the Black community. 

The road ahead

Experts say a combination of race-conscious policies and broader measures like wage and labor reform is necessary to narrow racial economic gaps. But some have doubts about how far national leaders are willing to go to address those disparities, given history.

A recent report from the NCRC estimated it would take more than 500 years for Black Americans to reach the white median household income at the pace set in past decades. 

“I think the biggest threat is the unwillingness to seriously commit to redistribution of resources, which is what is required to bridge racial inequality,” Asante-Muhammad of the NCRC said — a problem he charged both sides of the aisle with failing to adequately address. 

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“It’s one thing to take down the segregation sign, it’s another thing to invest in building affordable housing and doing lending in a way that would strongly increase Black homeownership,” he said. “Those are different.”

As the nation marks the 60th anniversary of the March on Washington, advocates say the demands made by the hundreds of thousands of protesters who gathered in the nation’s capital for the event still hold today — including those for better wages and jobs.

“Raising the minimum wage is crucial,” Morial also said. “Increase in job training and education is crucial. Enforcing anti-discrimination laws is crucial.”

“Creating more tools and more of a commitment to homeownership for low and moderate income Americans is crucial,” he said. “Raising and improving access to capital for small businesses and Black small businesses is crucial.”

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Asante-Muhammad points to measures congressional lawmakers have introduced that focus on Black homeownership, reparations and asset policies, like the baby bonds proposal championed by Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) and Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.), as steps in the right direction in countering economic inequality. 

But many experts aren’t holding their breath for significant change anytime soon.

“There used to be a time when there was more agreement on what the basic facts were, that we’re dealing with, and then we could argue about, ‘OK, what’s the appropriate solution?’” said Austin.

“But now, when people are wanting to make up facts, then it’s really hard to have a productive debate over what is the appropriate solution,” he said.

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​Business Sixty years after civil rights leaders demanded equal access to employment and fair wages for Black Americans at the historic March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, economic equity is still far from a reality in the U.S. While advocates acknowledge that some strides have been made in the decades since the march, notable gaps…  

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How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

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Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

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Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

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Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

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Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

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New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

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In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

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This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

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Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

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Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

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