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Moderate Democrats are fuming over the Biden administration’s decision to propose significant climate change-related stipulations on the use of a lucrative tax credit for hydrogen energy producers.
Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), a frequent critic of the administration’s climate policies, said the proposal “makes absolutely no sense.”
And moderates who have been more supportive of the administration, like Sen. Tom Carper (D-Del.), are also pushing back on Biden’s rules.
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The hydrogen energy issue divides Democrats, with more conservative Democrats pressing for the flexibility they say will help a nascent industry that could be important in the climate fight. Liberals argue loose rules could make hydrogen energy a climate change problem rather than a solution.
Hydrogen energy can be made by either using electricity to separate the hydrogen out of water molecules in an electrolyzer or through a reaction between steam and methane, a key component of natural gas.
The fuel could be a key tool for cutting emissions from industries whose climate pollution is difficult to mitigate, including aviation and making chemicals, cement and steel.
The Inflation Reduction Act signed by President Biden last year provided a tax credit for hydrogen that is intended to jumpstart production of hydrogen made using low- and no-emitting power sources.
But the question of who can qualify is a contentious one, and moderate Democrats argue the administration is going too far with its new rules.
“This Administration cannot keep itself from violating the Inflation Reduction Act in their relentless pursuit of their radical climate agenda,” Manchin said in a written statement.
He said that the move would “kneecap the hydrogen market before it can even begin.”
Manchin vowed to fight the proposal, saying: “Today’s proposed rule doesn’t just violate the law — it makes absolutely no sense, and I will continue to fight this Administration’s manipulation of the IRA.”
Manchin, who is not running for reelection but has flirted with a third-party presidential bid, has criticized a number of Biden administration climate policies, including its handling of a tax credit for people who purchase electric vehicles, saying it was applied to vehicles too broadly and that a new guidance is too loose on Chinese battery components.
Such criticisms sometimes leave Manchin on an island in the Democratic party, but that wasn’t the case Friday.
Carper, a frequent Biden ally who chairs the Senate’s Environment and Public Works Committee, also criticized the guidance.
“When developing the Inflation Reduction Act, we intended for the clean hydrogen incentives to be flexible and technology-neutral,” Carper said in a written statement.
“Treasury’s draft guidance does not fully reflect this intent, potentially jeopardizing the clean hydrogen industry’s ability to get off the ground successfully,” he added.
Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio), who faces a tough reelection battle next year in an increasingly red state, also said that the proposed guidance would “undermine” the law’s goals of lower energy costs and innovation.
“These new proposed rules will slow down and ultimately undermine our country’s ability to produce the clean hydrogen needed to build the energy economy of the future,” Brown said in a statement. “The proposed rules’ lack of flexibility will cut out Ohio workers and Ohio businesses from creating the energy of the 21st century.”
This pushback is not a surprise. Last month, 11 Democrats signed a letter pushing for flexible rules for the hydrogen industry. Carper was not on that letter but also sent a missive calling for flexibility.
At issue is whether to require hydrogen producers to build new clean power sources to fuel hydrogen production, or whether electrolyzers should be allowed to pull existing power off the grid.
Climate hawks warn the latter could result in more fossil fuel use because it could drive up power demand in general and push planet-warming gas plants online.
They have also called for this new power to be in the same geographic region and produced within the same hour that it is used to try to limit hydrogen’s impacts on power demand overall.
“I applaud the Biden administration for taking this important step to ensure that we develop a truly clean hydrogen industry,” Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) said in a statement. “Hydrogen has the potential to be a key part of the climate solution, but only if we get it right.”
“Creating hydrogen energy can be very greenhouse gas-intensive. I and others have pushed hard for high standards because if hydrogen is not clean, then it cannot be a solution for hard-to-decarbonize sectors like heavy industry, and could even take us in the wrong direction,” he added.
Merkley led a letter in October pushing for stringent standards and was joined by seven of his colleagues.
Sen. Martin Heinrich (D-N.M.) who signed the letter, also praised the rule in a post on X, formerly known as Twitter.
“.@USTreasury’s hydrogen tax credit guidance includes the climate safeguards that will ensure the hydrogen economy of the future is clean,” he wrote.
“The alternative would have made the problem worse, not better. I applaud the Biden Administration’s leadership here,” he added.
Energy & Environment, Business, News, Policy, Senate Moderate Democrats are fuming over the Biden administration’s decision to propose significant climate change-related stipulations on the use of a lucrative tax credit for hydrogen energy producers. Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.), a frequent critic of the administration’s climate policies, said the proposal “makes absolutely no sense.” And moderates who have been more supportive of the administration, like…

Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.
- A Santa Clara County Superior Court judge has granted preliminary approval, calling the deal “fair” and noting that it could cover more than 6,600 current and former Google workers employed in the state between 2018 and 2024.

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.
Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.
Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.
Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.
Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.
A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.
For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

At just 29, Luana Lopes Lara has taken a title that usually belongs to pop stars and consumer‑app founders.
Multiple business outlets now recognize her as the world’s youngest self‑made woman billionaire, after her company Kalshi hit an 11 billion dollar valuation in a new funding round.
That round, a 1 billion dollar Series E led by Paradigm with Sequoia Capital, Andreessen Horowitz, CapitalG and others participating, instantly pushed both co‑founders into the three‑comma club. Estimates place Luana’s personal stake at roughly 12 percent of Kalshi, valuing her net worth at about 1.3 billion dollars—wealth tied directly to equity she helped create rather than inheritance.

Kalshi itself is a big part of why her ascent matters.
Founded in 2019, the New York–based company runs a federally regulated prediction‑market exchange where users trade yes‑or‑no contracts on real‑world events, from inflation reports to elections and sports outcomes.
As of late 2025, the platform has reached around 50 billion dollars in annualized trading volume, a thousand‑fold jump from roughly 300 million the year before, according to figures cited in TechCrunch and other financial press. That hyper‑growth convinced investors that event contracts are more than a niche curiosity, and it is this conviction—expressed in billions of dollars of new capital—that turned Luana’s share of Kalshi into a billion‑dollar fortune almost overnight.
Her path to that point is unusually demanding even by founder standards. Luana grew up in Brazil and trained at the Bolshoi Theater School’s Brazilian campus, where reports say she spent up to 13 hours a day in class and rehearsal, competing for places in a program that accepts fewer than 3 percent of applicants. After a stint dancing professionally in Austria, she pivoted into academics, enrolling at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to study computer science and mathematics and later completing a master’s in engineering.
During summers she interned at major firms including Bridgewater Associates and Citadel, gaining a front‑row view of how global macro traders constantly bet on future events—but without a simple, regulated way for ordinary people to do the same.

That realization shaped Kalshi’s founding thesis and ultimately her billionaire status. Together with co‑founder Tarek Mansour, whom she met at MIT, Luana spent years persuading lawyers and U.S. regulators that a fully legal event‑trading exchange could exist under commodities law. Reports say more than 60 law firms turned them down before one agreed to help, and the company then spent roughly three years in licensing discussions with the Commodity Futures Trading Commission before gaining approval. The payoff is visible in 2025’s numbers: an 11‑billion‑dollar valuation, a 1‑billion‑dollar fresh capital injection, and a founder’s stake that makes Luana Lopes Lara not just a compelling story but a data point in how fast wealth can now be created at the intersection of finance, regulation, and software.

America’s job market is facing an unprecedented crisis—and nowhere is this more painfully obvious than at Harvard, the world’s gold standard for elite education. A stunning 25% of Harvard’s MBA class of 2025 remains unemployed months after graduation, the highest rate recorded in university history. The Ivy League dream has become a harsh wakeup call, and it’s sending shockwaves across the professional landscape.

For decades, a Harvard diploma was considered a golden ticket. Now, graduates send out hundreds of résumés, often from their parents’ homes, only to get ghosted or auto-rejected by machines. Only 30% of all 2025 graduates nationally have found full-time work in their field, and nearly half feel unprepared for the workforce. “Go to college, get a good job“—that promise is slipping away, even for the smartest and most driven.
Applicant tracking systems (ATS) and AI algorithms have become ruthless gatekeepers. If a résumé doesn’t perfectly match the keywords or formatting demanded by the bots, it never reaches human eyes. The age of human connection is gone—now, you’re just a data point to be sorted and discarded.
AI screening has gone beyond basic qualifications. New tools “read” for inferred personality and tone, rejecting candidates for reasons they never see. Worse, up to half of online job listings may be fake—created simply to collect résumés, pad company metrics, or fulfill compliance without ever intending to fill the role.
It’s not just Harvard grads who are hurting. Entry-level roles demand years of experience, unpaid internships, and portfolios that resemble a seasoned professional, not a fresh graduate. A bachelor’s degree, once the key to entry, is now just the price of admission. Overqualified candidates compete for underpaid jobs, often just to survive.
One Harvard MBA described applying to 1,000 jobs with no results. Companies, inundated by applications, are now so selective that only those who precisely “game the system” have a shot. This has fundamentally flipped the hiring pyramid: enormous demand for experience, shrinking chances for new entrants, and a brutal gauntlet for anyone not perfectly groomed by internships and coaching.
The cost is more than financial—mental health and optimism are collapsing among the newest generation of workers. Many come out of elite programs and immediately end up in jobs that don’t require degrees, or take positions far below their qualifications just to pay the bills. There’s a sense of burnout before careers even begin, trapping talent in a cycle of exhaustion, frustration, and disillusionment.
What’s really broken? The culture of hiring itself. Companies have traded trust, mentorship, and relationships for metrics, optimizations, and cost-cutting. Managers no longer hire on potential—they rely on machines, rankings, and personality tests that filter out individuality and reward those who play the algorithmic game best.
AI has automated the very entry-level work that used to build careers—research, drafting, and analysis—and erased the first rung of the professional ladder for thousands of new graduates. The result is a workforce filled with people who know how to pass tests, not necessarily solve problems or drive innovation.
Up to half of all listings for entry-level jobs may be “ghost jobs”—positions posted online for optics, compliance, or future needs, but never intended for real hiring. This means millions of job seekers spend hours on applications destined for digital purgatory, further fueling exhaustion and cynicism.
Despite the headlines, the new class of unemployed graduates is not lazy or entitled—they are overqualified, underleveraged, and battered by a broken process. Harvard’s brand means less to AI and ATS systems than the right keyword or résumé format. Human judgment has been sidelined; individuality is filtered out.

Unless companies rediscover the value of human potential, mentorship, and relationships, the job search will remain a brutal numbers game—one that even the “best and brightest” struggle to win. The current system doesn’t just hurt workers—it holds companies back from hiring bold, creative talent who don’t fit perfect digital boxes.
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This is not just a Harvard problem. It’s a sign that America’s job engine is running on empty, and it’s time to reboot—before another generation is locked out.

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