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GOP candidates bash labor unions as Biden hits the picket line on September 27, 2023 at 10:00 am Business News | The Hill

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Republican presidential candidates are ripping members of the United Auto Workers (UAW) union and blaming President Biden for the escalating strike against major car companies.

Biden has touted himself as a stalwart supporter of unions and joined UAW members Tuesday on the picket line in Michigan — the first instance of a sitting U.S. president marching beside striking workers.

As Republicans aim to use dour public opinion of the economy to oust Biden in 2024, his GOP challengers are eager to tie the president to the potential economic toll of the strike.

And some Republican contenders are using the UAW to bolster their conservative bonafides to GOP voters with less than five months until the first primary ballots are cast.

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“When you have the most pro-union president and he touts that he is emboldening the unions, this is what you get,” former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley said on the Fox News Channel earlier this month.

“When you have a president that’s constantly saying, ‘Go union! Go union,’ this is what you get. The unions get emboldened, and then they start asking for things.”


Biden strikes with UAW members: ‘You deserve a hell of a lot more’

Republicans have historically been critical of unions and their roles in pushing for better pay and conditions for workers, particularly since the Reagan administration.

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“I think [executive compensation] ought to be left to the shareholders of that company,” former Vice President Mike Pence said in a CNN interview this month.

“I’m somebody that believes in free enterprise. I think those are decisions that can be made by shareholders in creating pressure, and I’ll fully support how these publicly traded companies operate,” he said.

Sen. Tim Scott (S.C.), another GOP presidential contender, lauded former President Reagan’s firing of striking air traffic controllers when asked about the UAW strike.

“If you strike, you’re fired,” Scott said.

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This prompted UAW President Shawn Fain to file a charge Thursday against Scott’s campaign with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which administers U.S. labor law.

The charge was obtained by The Hill through a U.S. Freedom of Information Act request with the NLRB. A representative for the NLRB told The Hill the agency will be investigating the charge.

Trump strikes a different tune

While some GOP presidential candidates have been quick to criticize striking autoworkers, former President Trump sought to sound sympathetic.

With a commanding lead in polls of GOP voters, Trump is overlooking the primary and focused on winning back support from blue-collar workers in states such as Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin — three states he won in 2016 but lost to Biden in 2020.

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Trump slams Biden ahead of president’s visit with striking autoworkers

Trump is scheduled to give a speech in Michigan on the autoworkers strike Wednesday — the night of the second GOP primary debate — and has focused on UAW’s gripes with Biden, not automakers.

The UAW is holding out on endorsing Biden over his push to bolster electric vehicle (EV) manufacturing, which is primarily conducted by nonunion labor and overseas.

Trump said in a Tuesday statement that Biden’s “draconian and indefensible Electric Vehicle mandate will annihilate the U.S. auto industry and cost countless thousands of autoworkers their jobs.”

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“The only thing Biden could say today that would help the striking autoworkers is to announce the immediate termination of his ridiculous mandate,” he added.

“Anything else is just a feeble and insulting attempt to distract American labor from this vicious Biden betrayal.”

Other GOP presidential candidates are also aiming their criticisms at Biden’s EV push instead of the workers on the picket line.

“The union workers are going, ‘Wow, if we’re going to switch to all [electric vehicles], we’re going to have less jobs … we’re going to be dependent on China for our transportation needs.’ … They understand what’s happening,” North Dakota governor Doug Bergum said last week, as reported by Reuters.

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Why autoworkers are striking

While the shift to EVs has caused alarm among autoworkers, UAW members and their Democratic supporters say the strike is driven by concerns over worker pay.


Biden makes case that climate, labor interests can go hand in hand as auto strike fuels attacks

There are large differences between executive compensation packages and production worker compensation within the auto industry, as in most industries.

Ford CEO James Farley made $1.7 million in salary in 2022, $2.75 million in final incentive bonus payouts, and $14.5 million in other types of incentives. Altogether, he brought in $20,996,146, the company’s Schedule 14A proxy statement, filed in March of this year, says.

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The average salary of a production worker at Ford is $45,843, according to jobs website Indeed. Indeed maxes that position’s salary out at $73,000 per year.

Biden said Tuesday that autoworkers should get the 40 percent pay increase the union is seeking.

“You’ve heard me say many times that Wall Street didn’t build the country — the middle class built the country. Unions built the middle class,” Biden said in Michigan to a gathering of auto workers.

“Let’s keep going. You deserve what you earn.”

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Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) told The Hill in a Thursday interview that labor is experiencing an important resurgence in American society.

“You’re seeing workers all over the country — at UPS, in the auto industry — standing up and fighting back, and that’s an extraordinarily important moment,” he said.

“What the UAW is saying is that it’s unacceptable that the people at the top of these corporations make outrageous compensation packages while the workers fall further and further behind. That’s the story of what’s happening with the American economy,” Sanders said.

Labor experts describe the UAW strike as a “stand-up strike,” distinguishing it from “sit-down strikes” in which a large mass of workers occupy their workplaces but refuse to work.

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Stand-up strikes, in which smaller groups of workers walk off the job in targeted stoppages, make them harder to predict, tactically more aggressive and potentially more disruptive to production schedules, which can be felt further down the pipeline of the auto industry.

“This has also been used in the airlines. I think it was Alaska Airlines in the 1980s that used a similar strategy — they called it actually, ‘CHAOS,’ and I think they trademarked that name — [whereby] they would board the plane, and then all of the flight attendants would walk out and go out on strike,” Arthur Wheaton, a director of labor studies at the Cornell School of Industrial and Labor Relations in Buffalo, N.Y., told The Hill.

Wheaton said similar tactics were used in the U.S. as far back as the 1930s.

A representative for the Ford Motor Company said Tuesday that workers and management share an interest in the “long-term viability” of the domestic auto industry.

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“Ford and the UAW are going to be the ones to solve this by finding creative solutions,” the company said in a statement.

​Transportation, Business, Bernie Sanders, Biden, Doug Burgum, labor unions, Mike Pence, Nikki Haley, nlrb, Tim Scott, UAW strike Republican presidential candidates are ripping members of the United Auto Workers (UAW) union and blaming President Biden for the escalating strike against major car companies. Biden has touted himself as a stalwart supporter of unions and joined UAW members Tuesday on the picket line in Michigan — the first instance of a sitting U.S. president…  

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How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

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Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

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Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

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Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

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Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

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New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

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In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

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This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

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Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

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Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

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