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California and Newsom prep for the future with new climate rules on October 1, 2023 at 6:20 pm Business News | The Hill

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Californians are bracing for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s (D) impending signoff on a seminal slate of rules that would require large companies to disclose both their greenhouse gas emissions and climate-related financial risk.

“Any company located in California is well aware that it’s a first mover on climate, it’s a first mover on the minimum wage,” Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, told The Hill.

“Companies have their eyes wide open,” added Pastor, who specializes in climate-related economics.

Chief among the legislation on the table are the Climate Corporate Data Accountability Act, or SB-253, and the Climate-Related Financial Risk bill, or SB-261.

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The former would require all public and private firms that operate in California — and whose annual revenues exceed $1 billion — to disclose both direct and indirect greenhouse gas emissions.

If companies fail to adhere to the demands of SB-253, they could face fines of up to $500,000 a year, according to the bill.

SB-261, meanwhile, would require companies that generate more than $500 million in annual revenue release climate-related financial risk reports biennially, beginning in 2026. 

Failure to comply with SB-261 could result in administrative penalties of up to $50,000 in a reporting year.

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A burden or a boon?

Newsom had already declared his intention to sign both of the bills in mid-September, just a day after he and state Attorney General Rob Bonta (D) launched a lawsuit against five big oil companies they accused of “lying about climate change.”

For some businesses, the bills will present a particular burden simply because they will have to figure out just how extensive their emissions are, according to Pastor.

But on the other hand, he said, the legislation is “going to be a boon for others because they will be able to advertise themselves as green.”

“That’ll have a particular appeal for some California companies,” he said.

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Many firms are already disclosing environmental data and “will be well prepared for compliance with this rule,” the nonprofit CDP, formerly the Carbon Disclosure Project, said in a statement.

Lori Llewellyn, managing director of CDP North America, stressed in a blog post that the legislation “won’t be nearly as burdensome to companies as opponents may make them out to be.”

California, as one of the biggest economies in the world, is “already operating as a major policy player on the global stage that makes economic waves worldwide,” Llewellyn stated.

Many firms have experience releasing such data to international regulators, particularly to agencies in the European Union, according to Llewellyn. 

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The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) has also proposed federal rules that would require publicly traded companies to disclose both direct and indirect emissions. But the California bill reaches further by making these demands of private firms as well.

“What the California bills and the proposed SEC rule are asking for is already underway among most public companies,” Llewellyn said.

SEC Chairman Gary Gensler told the House Oversight Committee on Wednesday that California’s legislation could help bolster his agency’s efforts to manage climate disclosures, according to Reuters.

“That may change the baseline,” Gensler reportedly said. “If those companies were reporting to California, then it would be in essence less costly because they’d already be producing that information.”

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Jonathan Storper, a San Francisco-based attorney at the firm Hanson Bridgett, highlighted California’s creativity when it comes to the law, while acknowledging that this behavior isn’t without controversy.

“Every time any laws pass, we often hear certain elements say that all these businesses will leave California,” Storper, who founded his firm’s sustainable law practice, told The Hill.

“But we’re such a huge economy that it kind of begs the question about, would you leave the fifth-largest economy in the world?” he added. 

Making do or moving on

Companies that do flee following the enactment of the new rules, Pastor argued, may have already been planning to move part of their operations anyway. 

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California’s lure for innovation continually attracts the likes of Silicon Valley startups, Los Angeles entertainment and electric vehicle entrepreneurs as they establish roots, he noted.

“When things get to the point of stamping them out and mass manufacturing, a lot of that moves on,” he said.

Pastor did acknowledge the possibility that SB-253’s passage could accelerate the closure of some oil production in California.

“But that’s not something that most people in the state or Newsom would be opposed to,” he said.

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In fact, just prior to declaring his support for these bills, the governor and his attorney general filed a lawsuit alleging that oil companies concealed knowledge about the potentially catastrophic effects of fossil fuel dependance.

As far as the lawsuit is concerned, Pastor described a current environment of “political prodding and pushing and testing” that he believes is being driven by the oil companies.

He specifically referred to a ballot measure backed by the industry, the California Oil and Gas Well Regulations Referendum, which would repeal a law that prohibits new wells from being constructed within 3,200 feet of homes, schools and hospitals.

“The oil companies are putting on the ballot a measure asking for the ability to poison communities close up,” Pastor said. “That’s gonna be a hard sell.”

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The companies, he explained, might frame the argument around how critical the industry is for California’s economy and job availability — and they likely won’t back down from the ballot measure.

But Pastor recalled the last time the oil companies tried to do something similar in 2010. At the time, they bankrolled Proposition 23, a measure that sought to overturn AB-32 — a law that required California to reduce its greenhouse gas emissions to 1990 levels by 2020.

“They got roundly defeated,” Pastor said.

Trendsetting and ‘technological optimism’

Once Newsom signs off on SB-253 and SB-261, there is the potential for other states to follow suit — particularly those that have stricter greenhouse gas emissions targets, such as Washington and New York, according to Pastor.

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“We have always been a state that starts trends,” agreed Storper. “Both in the Legislature and in our California Supreme Court, those trends tend to move east.”

In terms of exactly how California is planning to implement the legislation in a practical manner — and how the state might standardize reporting on indirect emissions — Pastor said he sees officials embracing “a little bit of technological optimism.”

“That’s of course the kind of thing that the [Chamber of Commerce] and business community aren’t always optimistic about,” he said.

In August, the California Chamber of Commerce argued that the legislation would instead create “a costly reporting requirement” that conflicts with state climate goals. 

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Among the other major groups that have opposed the bills are the Western States Petroleum Association, the California Hospital Association and agricultural groups.

A spring letter penned by a Chamber-led coalition warned that companies could need to pay $600,000 per disclosure. Smaller firms, it argued, might struggle to track emissions from “distant upstream and downstream supply chains” and suffer “a detrimental impact.”

As such, Storper said he is anticipating challenges in court once the bills are signed into law.

Certain states that espouse “a very different philosophy” could also try to pass legislation preventing companies that disclose their emissions from doing business there, he added.

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Storper compared that possibility to decisions made in states such as Texas, where insurers can no longer consider environmental, social and governance, or ESG, factors when setting rates.

“But usually with these things it’s two steps forward and one step back,” Storper said.

‘Skating to where the puck will be’

Arnold Sowell Jr., executive director of NextGen California, credited Newsom and the Legislature in a recent statement for showcasing California’s “unrivaled leadership in shaping national climate policy and advancing climate justice.”

“These bills — SB-253 and SB-261 — will help put an end to the lack of true accountability when it comes to corporate reporting of greenhouse gas emissions and assessing climate risk,” said Sowell, whose nonprofit organization advocates for justice-centered policies.

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“Finally, communities on the front lines of the climate crisis will have the tools to quantify the ongoing damage being done by the world’s worst polluters,” he added.

Regarding Newsom’s leadership, Pastor said he believes that the governor is sincere about “finally standing up to California bashing” and quashing the idea that environmental legislation will kill the state’s economy.

But the governor is also “thinking a few steps ahead” and is “positioning himself for whatever his political future might be,” Pastor added.

“He’s thinking about running in 2028,” the professor said, referring to Newsom’s presidential prospects.

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Storper likewise had his eye on the future, stressing that the younger generation is very concerned with both climate change and social issues.

That generation, he explained, is increasingly “facing the whole prospect of their entire life dealing with the climate risk and disaster.”

But because people are still forming and maintaining businesses, Storper said it will be interesting to see whether the new bills lead to major changes in corporate practices.

Between now and 2028, however, the country’s demographics will continue to change as more young people become eligible to vote, Pastor stressed.

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“Newsom is skating to where the puck will be, rather than where it is,” he said.

​Equilibrium & Sustainability, Business, Energy & Environment, State Watch Californians are bracing for Gov. Gavin Newsom’s (D) impending signoff on a seminal slate of rules that would require large companies to disclose both their greenhouse gas emissions and climate-related financial risk. “Any company located in California is well aware that it’s a first mover on climate, it’s a first mover on the minimum wage,”…  

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How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

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Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

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Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

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Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

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Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

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New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

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In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

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This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

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Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

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Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

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