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Auto strike poses key test for pro-labor Biden on September 17, 2023 at 12:00 pm Business News | The Hill

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The United Auto Workers (UAW) strike could have major political implications for Joe Biden, who has repeatedly framed himself as the most pro-labor president in history.

Biden, who is running for reelection with a dismal approval rating, has worked to secure political support from blue-collar workers. But his pro-union bona fides and claims of U.S. manufacturing success are at stake with strike, which his administration tried and failed to prevent. 

It was a blow to Biden when a deal wasn’t made after months of negotiations between the UAW and Ford, Stellantis and General Motors. Much of the economic gains during his presidency, for which he has already struggled to get credit, could be threatened.

Negotiations have been focused on pay increases, pensions, career security and workers concerns over electric vehicles (EVs). Biden, an unapologetic “car guy,” leaned into his support for the auto workers on Friday, saying that record corporate profits “should be shared by record contracts for the UAW.”

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Biden said he is dispatching acting Labor Secretary Julie Su and director of the National Economic Council Gene Sterling to Detroit to talk to both sides. But looming over such moves is the fact that the UAW has not yet endorsed Biden for 2024, despite most major unions announcing their backing of him months ago.

The UAW said, however, that it wouldn’t endorse former President Trump, and union President Shawn Fain went so far earlier this month as to say that Trump is “not a person I want as my president.”

Democrats lost many union workers in 2020 in states such as Ohio to Trump, whose anti-free trade message and other rhetoric resonated with the labor vote. That came after union households had already somewhat shifted blue-to-red in 2016.

“Why did Democrats lose the Midwest? Why did the blue wall crumble? It’s because they allowed good union jobs in the auto industry to be offshore,” said Joseph Geevarghese, executive director of Our Revolution. “This strike is an opportunity for the president to … say to the Big Three, ‘You’re incredibly profitable, we’re going to invest in you, but the return in investment we need to see is for working class Americans.’”

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“Failure to do so, I think, will mean he risks losing working class voters. They either sit it out or they vote for a Donald Trump-like figure who won his election by promising to champion the deindustrialized Midwest,” Geevarghese added.

Biden’s campaign has an enthusiasm problem, with voters often citing his age as a major issue and his approval rating lingering just below 40 percent. The lack of excitement from some progressives such as college students and climate activists threatens a low voter turnout but not necessarily a vote for Trump or some other GOP nominee.

Union workers, however, could be a group that votes for a Republican, something that already occurred in 2016, instead of just not showing up for Biden. 

When asked about pressure on Biden considering that Michigan, which he won in 2020, is an essential state in 2024 and workers are an essential demographic to win, White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said, “there are always unique sets of circumstances when we’re talking about collective bargaining with unions.”

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Biden has made a major push for a transition towards electric cars, and when the UAW said it would withhold its endorsement for Biden, it cited concerns over the White House’s focus on EVs.

Trump on Wednesday urged the UAW to make repealing Biden’s push for EVs its “top, non-negotiable demand in any strike,” warning that if the policy stands, “all your jobs will be sent to China” because “there’s no such thing as a ‘fair transition.’”

Biden’s reelection campaign in response argued Trump will say anything to distract from his own record and said that Trump suggested in 2015 moving some car production from Michigan.

“Under Trump, autoworkers shuttered their doors and sent American jobs overseas. Under Trump, auto companies would have likely gone bankrupt, devastating the industry and upending millions of lives,” said Ammar Moussa, a Biden-Harris spokesperson.

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When asked if the strike is a result of the president’s push towards the EV transition, Jean-Pierre on Friday said, “No, we don’t believe that to be.” She added that EV sales are hitting record highs and prices for the vehicles are coming down.

While the White House has maintained it won’t intervene in the negotiations, Sterling and Su are being deployed as coordinators between the two sides.

But Biden’s Friday comments came across as a firm endorsement of the workers.

He said UAW members have “extraordinary skill and sacrifices” and that the UAW is “at the heart of our economy.”

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“This is a question of whether cars are going to be made here at home or in China and overseas. Joe Biden is not going to turn his back on American manufacturing. He’s been clear he’s supporting workers during this process,” a Biden adviser told The Hill.

Michael Starr Hopkins, a Democratic strategist, argued that Biden personally fights for working Americans and his vision has always been to support not just the wealthy.

“The name Biden is synonymous with working Americans. That’s why Americans overwhelmingly believe that Joe Biden wakes up every day fighting for their futures. The president knows what it’s like to live in a home that’s paycheck to paycheck. It’s personal to him,” Hopkins said.

Biden maintains strong support other labor groups, and his reelection was endorsed in June by AFL-CIO head Liz Schuler, AFCME President Lee Saunders and others.

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Unions cite his gains for workers, including investments in infrastructure, manufacturing and clean energy jobs through legislation including the Inflation Reduction Act, CHIPs and Science Act and Infrastructure Law.

Jean-Pierre on Friday did stop short of saying Biden supports UAW’s demand for a 40 percent increase and she wouldn’t confirm any upcoming conversations between Biden and Fain.

“This is a which side are you on moment going into a presidential election season. Is he really on the side of workers? If so, he should stand with the UAW and put pressure on the Big Three,” Geevarghese said.

On the other side, the business community is taking note that the president appears to be leanings away from support for the auto giants during this strike.

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“The UAW strike and indeed the ‘summer of strikes’ is the natural result of the Biden administration’s ‘whole of government’ approach to promoting unionization at all costs,” Chamber of Commerce President Suzanne Clark said in a statement.

Hollywood writers and actors have been striking for weeks over fair pay and benefits, and major strikes were only barely averted for UPS staffers and West Coast dockworkers.

The Teamsters, ahead of its deal with UPS, had asked the White House not to intervene if workers’ strike.

The administration did intervene last fall to avoid a nationwide railroad strike. Biden called into talks between negotiators, led by former Labor Secretary Marty Walsh, and made clear a shutdown of railways was unacceptable. Then, following 20 hours of negotiations, a deal appeared to avoid a strike that could have crippled the U.S. supply chain.
At the time, the president hailed the tentative agreement to avoid a nationwide railroad strike as proof that unions and management can work together.

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Months later, Biden chose to make remarks in front of a room full of union workers for his first speech since announcing his reelection bid in April.

“I make no apologies for being the most pro-union president. And I’m proud of it,” Biden said at a North America’s Building Trades Union conference. “We — you and I together — we’re turning things around and we’re doing it in a big way.”

​Administration, Business, Campaign The United Auto Workers (UAW) strike could have major political implications for Joe Biden, who has repeatedly framed himself as the most pro-labor president in history. Biden, who is running for reelection with a dismal approval rating, has worked to secure political support from blue-collar workers. But his pro-union bona fides and claims of U.S….  

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How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

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Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

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Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

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Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

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Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

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New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

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In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

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This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

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Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

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Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

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