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5 things to know about a possible UAW strike on August 15, 2023 at 5:29 pm Business News | The Hill

With one month before their contract expires on Sept. 14, President Joe Biden is asking the United Auto Workers union and the Big Three automakers to work together and forge a fair agreement.
Negotiations between UAW and the Big Three — Ford, General Motors and Stellantis — began in early July over pay increases, pensions and career security. Autoworkers are particuarly concerned about how the shift to electric vehicles could threaten their jobs and compensation.
5 big questions about the ‘summer of strikes’
“The need to transition to a clean energy economy should provide a win‑win opportunity for auto companies and unionized workers,” Biden said in a statement released Monday.
“Companies should use this process to make sure they enlist their workers in the next chapter of the industry by offering them good paying jobs and a say in the future of their workplace.”
A fair contract, Biden added, would mean that Big Three auto workers could support their families, sustain their right to organize, and have priority to fill the jobs that the transition to clean energy will create.
Biden meets with UAW president while group withholds 2024 endorsement
“The UAW helped create the American middle class and as we move forward in this transition to new technologies, the UAW deserves a contract that sustains the middle class,” Biden concluded.
Here’s what you need to know about the ongoing negotiations and impending strike:
What are the UAW’s demands?
In this image from video, Shawn Fain, then a candidate for president of the United Auto Workers, is interviewed in Detroit, on Friday, Jan. 13, 2023. (AP Photo/Mike Householder, File)
UAW President Shawn Fain said last week the Big Three are facing “the most audacious and ambitious list of proposals they’ve seen in decades.”
The union is calling to eliminate tiers on wages and benefits, something that was included in the tentative agreement between UPS and the Teamsters. They are also calling for double-digit pay increases, more paid time off and higher retiree pay.
In addition, the union is demanding the reinstatement of some previous policies, including cost of living adjustments (COLA), defined benefit pensions and medical benefits for retirees.
The union is looking to secure their right to strike over plant closures. If a plant does close or the companies leave their towns, UAW is demanding that the companies pay the workers who are left behind to do community service work.
What is the context behind these demands?
People arrive at the Flint Assembly Plant for a free tour and open house, Aug. 11, 2015, in Flint, Mich. (Jake May/The Flint Journal via AP)
Following the release of the Big Three’s quarterly earnings reports in late July, Fain said that the automakers have made a combined $21 billion in profits in the first six months of 2023.
He argued that the companies are subsequently funneling billions into stock buyback schemes to “artificially inflate” the companies shares rather than support their workers or devote that money to the electric vehicle transition.
“Our message going into bargaining is clear,” Fain said. “Record profits mean record contracts.”
He also provided a chart to compare the union’s 2007 contracts to the present, which he used to demonstrate that starting wages have decreased and the number of years it takes to earn the top rate has increased.
He also pointed out that COLA was suspended during the Great Recession in 2009 and though the companies have bounced back, COLA has not been reinstated to adjust paychecks to inflation.
Prior to 2007, Fain added, every member of the Big Three received a pension and retiree healthcare. However, with the two-tiered system, many workers receive either no pension and health care plan or a pension that hasn’t increased since 2003.
“(This) paints a damning picture of what’s happening, not just in our industry, but across the economy,” Fain said. “The rich are getting richer while the rest of us are getting left behind.
“When I was elected, I said, “The UAW is back in the fight,’ and that’s what the Big Three are going to see when we head into bargaining,” Fain added.
How have the Big Three responded?
The Ford logo is seen on signage at a Ford dealership, Tuesday, July 27, 2021. (AP Photo/Gerry Broome, File)
General Motors (GM) went public right out of the gate with a website dedicated to providing negotiation updates.
They boasted the total compensation and benefits package they provide to their team members in a July 18 release by GM Chair and CEO Mary Barra, including a healthcare plan, a profit-sharing program and career development and training opportunities
“We have a long history of negotiating fair contracts with the UAW that reward our employees and support the long-term success of our business,” Barra said. “Our goal this time will be no different.”
Mike Perez, vice president of GM Labor Relations, also said they have opportunities for every worker in the transition to all-electric.
GM said in a video that since the signing of its 2011 contract with UAW, they have provided $1,000 in profit sharing for every $1 billion GM earns in the North American market. Following the 2022 fiscal year, GM said hourly union-represented employees received up to a $12,750 profit-sharing check.
The rest of the cash flow, they said, goes to upgrading facilities, retooling plants, engineering vehicles, developing technology and building up supply chains, with a small percentage going to shareholders.
In an Aug. 3 response to Fain, GM said they expect to increase wages but don’t agree with all of the demands.
“The breadth and scope of the Presidential Demands, at face value, would threaten our ability to do what’s right for the long-term benefit of the team,” the statement read. “A fair agreement rewards our employees and also enables GM to maintain our momentum now and into the future.”
Ford has also come out with its own response in the form of an op-ed, written by CEO Jim Farley and published in the Detroit Free Press.
Contrary to Fain’s claims, Farley said that UAW-Ford employees have received wage increases and annual inflation bonuses, which have exceeded what they would have been paid with COLA in place.
He added that 80 percent of those employers make the top wage rate of $32 per hour, in response to the proposal to end the tier system and the claim that it takes 8 years to reach the top wage rate.
In a response to the op-ed, vice president of the UAW’s National Ford Department Chuck Browning commended Ford for their handing out profit sharing checks, expanding health care benefits, and giving many part-time workers full-time status. However, he pushed back on wages, saying that workers were still not compensated enough to attain a decent standard of living, job security or retirement “with dignity.”
Stellantis’ senior manager Jodi Tinson said in a statement that the company and UAW have a long history of working together. She added that Stellantis is focused on ensuring its future competitiveness as well as preserving good wages and benefits that recognize workers’ contributions.
In a letter sent to employees and obtained by Reuters, Stellantis North America COO Mark Stewart said he is committed to reaching an agreement based on “economic realism.” Agreeing to UAW’s current demands, he said, could endanger the company’s ability to make decisions surrounding job security in the future.
“This is a losing proposition for all of us,” he wrote.
Stellantis has made proposals to reduce the fixed cost structure of the business in response to government electric vehicle rules, according to Reuters. Fain said this included cuts to healthcare coverage and fewer vacation days for new hires, among other proposals.
Fain criticized Stellanis’ “concessions” in the Facebook Live, throwing them in the trash and calling them a “slap in the face.”
Stewart said that Fain did not fairly represent the negotiations and that “theatrics and personal insults” will not move the two sides any closer to an agreement.
Who will be affected by a strike?
From the start of negotiations, Fain has said that members should be prepared to strike. In the livestream, he reaffirmed that conviction, reminding viewers that the strike fund is healthy and that UAW leadership has a plan for work stoppage.
“Come Sept. 14, if these companies don’t deliver, they’re going to see this plan unfold,” Fain said.
Traditionally, UAW has singled out one automaker to target but a spokesperson told the AP that the union could choose all three.
Evercore ISI analyst Chris McNally told Axios that the chances of a UAW strike are at least 50 percent, so if all 150,000 UAW workers were to strike with a fund of $825 million dedicated to paying workers $500 per week, the union could strike for about 12 weeks.
The 40-day UAW strike in 2019 cost GM $3.6 billion. However, Stewart said in his letter that it’s too soon to determine whether there will be a strike.
“At this very early stage, no one should jump to any conclusions about the outcome of the process,” he said.
What are the political risks for Biden?
While Biden has pledged to be a staunch ally of unions, he is yet to secure UAW’s endorsement for his reelection campaign. The union backed Biden against then-President Trump in 2020, but announced in May it would withhold its endorsement.
Fain insisted the union must see a “just transtion” to EVs as the Biden administration pushes to shift automaking to a greener future.
Business, Economy, inflation, President Joe Biden, unions, United Auto Workers With one month before their contract expires on Sept. 14, President Joe Biden is asking the United Auto Workers union and the Big Three automakers to work together and forge a fair agreement. Negotiations between UAW and the Big Three — Ford, General Motors and Stellantis — began in early July over pay increases, pensions…
Business
How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.
The Gatekeepers and Their Stains
The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.
When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.
Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.
He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.
Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.
So you have a financier who is:
- Funding brain and behavior research.
- Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
- Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.
None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms
There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.
Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.
Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.
Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:
- Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
- Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
- Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
- The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.
The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.
The Celebrity as Smoke Screen
Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.
Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”
That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.
The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

What to Love, Who to Fear
The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:
- Which artists are “marketable.”
- Which scientific questions are “important.”
- Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
- Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.
If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.
No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives
For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.
Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.
Questions worth carrying into every room:
- Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
- Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
- When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
- Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?
If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.
The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.
Business
New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection
The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.
In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response
Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:
She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,
“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”
The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.
While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.
A Reputation at a Crossroads
As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.
Business
Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.
- A Santa Clara County Superior Court judge has granted preliminary approval, calling the deal “fair” and noting that it could cover more than 6,600 current and former Google workers employed in the state between 2018 and 2024.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged
The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.
Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.
Why Black Employees Were Left Out
Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.
What The Settlement Provides
Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.
Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.
H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes
A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.
For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.
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