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4 ways the government funding fight could play out in January on January 1, 2024 at 11:00 am Business News | The Hill
Congress faces an avalanche of government funding work when it returns from the holidays this month — and little time to complete it ahead of a looming shutdown deadline.
Under the stopgap bill passed in November, Congress is staring down two cutoff dates in January and February to keep the government funded.
But with less than a month to go until the first deadline on Jan. 19 — when funding is set to lapse for various parts of the government — lawmakers are clashing over next steps amid deep divides over spending.
Here’s a few ways the fight could shake out in January.
Congress passes its annual funding bills
While some conservatives remain hopeful that they’ll be able to pass their individual government funding bills for fiscal 2024, many are signaling openness to passing a minibus as work lags on the 12 annual funding bills.
“It’s going to be very difficult to get all of the appropriations bills we have to get done in time if we don’t have the [top-line] number, and we don’t have the number right now,” Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.), who heads the House subcommittee that crafts the annual funding bills for the departments of Transportation (DOT) and Housing and Urban Development (HUD). “So, we’re going to have to make some tough decisions in early January.”
The House has passed seven GOP-crafted spending bills while the Senate has passed a so-called maxibus of three bills. But the bills passed look vastly different between chambers, which means both chambers have their work cut out for them as leaders work to reach an agreement on a top-line level and eventually craft bipartisan bills that can pass the GOP-led House and the Democratic-led Senate.
While some spending cardinals say they’ve begun having discussions with their counterparts in the other chambers around what the bills could look like, they also acknowledge the limitations they face in conferencing their bills without knowing their subcommittee’s respective allocations.
There’s also concern about the status of a handshake deal struck between the White House and House GOP leadership that could mean additional funding for nondefense programs under new Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.), particularly as hard-line conservatives urge him to abandon the side agreement.
Congress passes another stopgap
The prospect of Congress having to pass another stopgap funding bill to prevent a shutdown becomes more likely the longer lawmakers fall behind in their annual spending work.
Appropriators were already worried about the lack of a top-line agreement between leadership from both parties before leaving town for the holidays.
Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), head of the Senate subcommittee that crafts the annual funding bill for HUD and DOT, said last month that he thinks Congress has until closer to the “end of the calendar year” to strike a top-line funding deal in time for them to conference and pass funding legislation to meet the January deadline.
If Congress resorts to another stopgap, also known as a continuing resolution (CR), it will be the third CR that lawmakers have had to pass since September to prevent a shutdown and buy more time for spending talks.
But there is some uncertainty as to what kind of stopgap bill could even notch the necessary bipartisan backing for passage.
Leadership is already having a hard time striking a bipartisan top-line deal in the aftermath of a legislative agreement Congress passed back in spring that suspended the debt ceiling, along with setting budget caps for appropriators to work from when crafting the fiscal 2024 funding bills.
However, experts warn that, under the limits of the debt ceiling law, Congress could face even more headaches if it tries to pass a stopgap measure in the new year.
That includes potentially steeper cuts than lawmakers previously bargained for in the event of a full-year stopgap plan — an idea that some House Republicans have called for if Congress needs more time to finish their appropriations work in January.
But that idea has faced staunch opposition from Democrats, and even Senate GOP leadership.
Johnson has said he will not push through another short-term stopgap.
“A CR is simply unacceptable for a year,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) said before the Senate left for their end-of-year recess. “It’s devastating, particularly for defense, and we’ve got all of these wars going on. So, we need to reach an agreement on the top line and get about getting an outcome as soon as possible.”
Parts of the government shut down
Lawmakers risk a partial government shutdown on Jan. 20 if they fail to pass legislation in time to extend funding.
As part of the two-tiered stopgap bill that Congress passed in the fall, lawmakers agreed to extend funding for four of its 12 annual spending bills through mid-January. That includes funding for offices including the HUD, DOT and the Department of Agriculture.
That also leaves Congress staring down an even bigger batch of work to handle when the deadline for the other bills comes up two weeks later on Feb. 2 — which is when funding for agencies including the departments of Defense, Labor and Health and Human Services faces a lapse.
Asked before the holiday break if Congress is on track to meet the January deadline, Sen. John Boozman (R-Ark.), another appropriator, said: “If we don’t really get our act together and start working together and figuring these things out, it’s going to be difficult to do.”
Congress passes an omnibus
Republicans have long railed against omnibus spending packages, even as they’ve become the norm.
Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), during the fight for the gavel in January, promised conservatives he wouldn’t resort to a single massive spending package, and Speaker Johnson backed that vow, telling reporters in November that they “broke the omnibus fever — we call it the ‘omni fever.’”
But with no clear direction on funding, a cool reception to a yearlong stopgap and a ticking clock, it’s an option that some Republicans say they’re still concerned about.
“I think we’re going to end up with one of two things: either an omnibus or a yearlong CR,” Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), an appropriator, said. “And I’m not sure that an omnibus that would be put together by [Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.)] and his team will get 10 Republican votes.”
“If I were betting between the omnibus and the CR, I would bet on the CR right now,” he said. “Now, that doesn’t mean that’s what I prefer, but if you asked me the odds, I would say, if it comes down to omnibus [or] CR, CR wins.”
Mike Lillis contributed.
Senate, Business, House, News Congress faces an avalanche of government funding work when it returns from the holidays this month — and little time to complete it ahead of a looming shutdown deadline. Under the stopgap bill passed in November, Congress is staring down two cutoff dates in January and February to keep the government funded. But with less than a…
Business
How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.
The Gatekeepers and Their Stains
The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.
When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.
Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.
He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.
Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.
So you have a financier who is:
- Funding brain and behavior research.
- Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
- Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.
None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms
There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.
Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.
Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.
Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:
- Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
- Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
- Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
- The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.
The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.
The Celebrity as Smoke Screen
Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.
Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”
That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.
The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

What to Love, Who to Fear
The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:
- Which artists are “marketable.”
- Which scientific questions are “important.”
- Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
- Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.
If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.
No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives
For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.
Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.
Questions worth carrying into every room:
- Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
- Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
- When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
- Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?
If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.
The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.
Business
New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection
The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.
In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response
Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:
She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,
“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”
The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.
While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.
A Reputation at a Crossroads
As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.
Business
Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.
- A Santa Clara County Superior Court judge has granted preliminary approval, calling the deal “fair” and noting that it could cover more than 6,600 current and former Google workers employed in the state between 2018 and 2024.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged
The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.
Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.
Why Black Employees Were Left Out
Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.
What The Settlement Provides
Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.
Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.
H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes
A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.
For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.
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