Business
Tribal company sues Greenberg Traurig, alleging financial misdeeds on September 14, 2023 at 10:00 am Business News | The Hill

A small, tribe-owned company has filed a lawsuit against legal giant Greenberg Traurig and its longtime lawyer.
The lawsuit, filed this week in the U.S. District Court in Montana, is complex and wide-ranging. But at its core, the company and five Tribal Council members allege its former legal counsel attempted to influence the company’s operations and shift its assets out of state when that influence was challenged.
The controversy hinges on the events surrounding a special meeting of the Tribal Council in January to replace the company’s board, which they allege was too cozy with Denver-based lawyer Jennifer Weddle.
The plaintiffs claim Weddle, who was legal counsel for the company for more than 13 years, would treat board members to professional sports tickets in Denver to influence their votes on business matters.
They also said they were “concerned about the influence of Defendant Weddle on the Prior Board and her involvement in setting up the financial structure and loan program,” according to the complaint.
The Island Mountain Development Group (IMDG) and five Tribal Council members say Weddle sought to prevent the council from replacing the company’s board by telling employees to protest the meeting or risk losing their jobs.
The vote to replace the IMDG board was allegedly met with threats, intimidation and the killing of two horses, according to the complaint.
When the interim board took over the company, Weddle allegedly “double crossed” her client to get lenders to issue an event of default and convert assets out of state, which was ultimately unsuccessful.
“We are reviewing the allegations in the complaint which we believe include mischaracterizations and inaccuracies. We intend to vigorously defend this lawsuit,” a spokesperson for Greenberg Traurig, the law firm Weddle works for, told The Hill in a written statement.
Weddle did not return requests for comment from The Hill.
The allegations raise questions about the internal reviews and ethics reforms Greenberg Traurig said it put in place following the biggest Washington, D.C., corruption scandal of the 2000s.
Former Greenberg Traurig lobbyist Jack Abramoff admitted to a clandestine kickback scheme that netted him tens of millions of dollars in excessive fees from the at least four tribes he represented, among other indiscretions.
Greenberg Traurig was not prosecuted in connection with Abramoff’s crimes, and in his sentencing agreement, the Justice Department said Abramoff had defrauded his former employer by asking clients to pay fees to another entity.
Fort Belknap Indian Community (FBIC) Tribal Council President Jeffrey Stiffarm, one of the plaintiffs in the IMDG suit, says pushback on his requests to then-IMDG CEO Terry Brockie for company records related to salaries, IMDG board terms and financial records — including agreements between IMDG affiliates and third-party lenders — raised “red flags.”
“For years, the Council has been asking for financial records of how much money’s coming in, where the money is going, what are the wages of that administrative staff, and they kept stonewalling us. And as owners of the company, we had the right to see this information,” Stiffarm told The Hill in a phone interview.
The former IMDG CEO did send the company’s most recent 2021 financial audit to the Council, but it raised more questions, according to a letter Stiffarm says he sent him in July 2022.
But Brockie failed to provide information on financing agreements between the IMDG, affiliated entities and third-party lenders in a response the next month, likely under the advice and direction of Weddle, the complaint alleges.
Brockie did not return The Hill’s request for comment.
The plaintiffs are hoping this information will come out in discovery, since they say their access has been limited by legal arrangements Weddle put in place to theoretically insulate the company from political influence, a source close to the lawsuit told The Hill in a phone interview.
Chaos at the Council
Forty miles south of the Canadian border, the Fort Belknap Reservation is home to members of the Assiniboine (Nakoda) and Gros Ventre (Aaniiih) Tribes.
The IMDG — which oversees a half-dozen companies operating in a variety of industries including real estate, construction, information technology, government contracting and more — is a major employer and driver of revenue for the rural community.
So after Weddle allegedly told IMDG employees that lenders would freeze all assets and they would lose their jobs if the board was replaced, the plaintiffs said more than 200 employees showed up at the Tribal Council chambers, and more than 170 employees joined on Zoom for the special meeting Jan. 19.
“Council members who voted for appointment of the Interim Board were physically and verbally assaulted by IMDG employees, who upon information and belief were being coached and encouraged by Defendant Weddle,” the complaint alleges.
In addition to Stiffarm, four members of the FBIC Tribal Council signed on as plaintiffs in the lawsuit, detailing their experience after being appointed to the IMDG interim board: Geno LeValdo, Derek Azure, Brian Wing and Curtis Horn.
Azure says he found handwritten notes on his windshield with messages including “we know where you live” and “you better watch yourself” and received texts accusing him of putting hundreds of people out of work.
IMDG employees allegedly returned the next day to demand the prior board’s reinstatement.
The complaint includes a text allegedly sent by Weddle asking, “Are people going to stake out at Council houses if this doesn’t break today?”
Screenshot from lawsuit.
Azure says he came home Jan. 21 to find two of his Sorrel horses shot and a third Bay missing.
LeValdo described the unprecedented split that has persisted in his community since the meeting — which he directly attributes to Weddle’s alleged actions — in a phone interview with The Hill.
“She divided a tribe. She divided a nation. She divided a Council. She divided families,” LeValdo said.
Alleged asset transfer further divides community
The evening of the vote, Weddle allegedly called third-party lenders to trigger an event of default, a pre-negotiated condition that would allow the lenders to demand full repayment of debts or other obligations.
She then pushed to move the company’s assets to another tribe, the Rosebud Sioux Tribe of South Dakota, the complaint claims.
“The Tribe has defaulted. We’re now in salvage mode. To try to get everything assigned to Rosebud,” Weddle allegedly texted two former IMDG board members Jan. 22.
Screenshot from lawsuit.
The complaint says Weddle directed IMDG’s former board members to sign documents authorizing its former CEO to set up a new account to transfer the company money, but lenders took control of IMDG’s accounts before they could do so, halting any asset conversion.
The interim IMDG board terminated its legal relationship with Greenberg Traurig and Weddle in mid-February.
But because third-party lenders declared the event of default, the company claims its reputation has taken a hit. IMDG’s chief financial officer estimates losses in the hundreds of millions of dollars over the next three to five years.
The plaintiffs believe Weddle “is still interfering with and causing harm to IMDG and the Council,” and Horn said Weddle and a lender’s representative appeared in a Zoom meeting of the interim IMDG board.
The representative, who was not named in the lawsuit, allegedly told the interim board he would come to the reservation to collect collateral including buildings, equipment and vehicles.
But for the plaintiffs, the damage goes beyond the impact on the company.
“I hate her for what she did to our people. I don’t use that word much, but I hate her for what she did to my people, our tribe, our elders and our youth,” LeValdo said. “This is going to take years for our tribe to come together and trust each other.”
Business, Legal, Fort Belknap Indian Community, Greenberg Traurig A small, tribe-owned company has filed a lawsuit against legal giant Greenberg Traurig and its longtime lawyer. The lawsuit, filed this week in the U.S. District Court in Montana, is complex and wide-ranging. But at its core, the company and five Tribal Council members allege its former legal counsel attempted to influence the company’s operations…
Business
How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.
The Gatekeepers and Their Stains
The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.
When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.
Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.
He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.
Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.
So you have a financier who is:
- Funding brain and behavior research.
- Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
- Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.
None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms
There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.
Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.
Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.
Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:
- Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
- Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
- Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
- The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.
The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.
The Celebrity as Smoke Screen
Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.
Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”
That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.
The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

What to Love, Who to Fear
The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:
- Which artists are “marketable.”
- Which scientific questions are “important.”
- Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
- Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.
If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.
No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives
For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.
Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.
Questions worth carrying into every room:
- Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
- Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
- When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
- Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?
If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.
The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.
Business
New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection
The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.
In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response
Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:
She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,
“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”
The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.
While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.
A Reputation at a Crossroads
As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.
Business
Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.
- A Santa Clara County Superior Court judge has granted preliminary approval, calling the deal “fair” and noting that it could cover more than 6,600 current and former Google workers employed in the state between 2018 and 2024.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged
The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.
Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.
Why Black Employees Were Left Out
Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.
What The Settlement Provides
Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.
Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.
H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes
A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.
For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.
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