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Tax deal faces obstacles as crucial markup looms on January 19, 2024 at 10:30 am Business News | The Hill
A deal reached this week by top tax writing committees in Congress faces a number of hurdles in the House and Senate.
Ahead of a Friday markup scheduled for the bill in the House Ways and Means Committee, lawmakers in both chambers have concerns about how exactly the $70 to $80 billion in tax relief will be divided between an expansion of the child tax credit (CTC) and deductions for businesses.
The Democratic left flank says the bill allots too little for the CTC and restores business credits that were already offsetting a 2017 reduction in the corporate tax rate.
“We should demand more of ourselves than going along with a deal that gives big corporations billions and billions of dollars more in tax breaks than help for struggling families. It just makes no sense at all,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) told reporters Wednesday.
“The fact that we’re not prioritizing children first as a country and understanding that that will help our economy, businesses and future entrepreneurs – the whole thing is sort of ridiculous,” Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) said Wednesday.
Republicans argue the CTC expansion is too generous and that people should be working harder to qualify for the credit.
“There are some things that shouldn’t be in there, some of the things on the CTC, for example. It’s always been connected to work. You can get it for one year, but then you can get the thing for two successive years without working,” Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) said Wednesday. “They increased the refundability amount and indexed the overall credit [to inflation]. There are some things in there that I’ve got to take a look at.”
Revenue tables for the bill hadn’t been released to the public as of Thursday, but the proposal from the Ways and Means Committee allows taxpayers in 2024 and 2025 to use income estimates from prior taxable years in calculating their credit.
Conservatives are troubled that this would mean people who would have to work less to claim the credit — a major sticking point in past efforts to expand the CTC.
“This policy would cut the CTC’s current annual work requirement in half by allowing parents to claim the CTC for two years while working in just one,” Matt Weidinger, a senior fellow with the conservative American Enterprise Institute, wrote in a Wednesday analysis of the proposal.
Beyond disagreements about the substance of the deal, there are procedural questions about what larger package the tax proposal could be attached to, or whether it would be its own separate bill. Standalone tax bills are relatively rare pieces of legislation.
“I think probably it will be a standalone bill,” Rep. Tom Cole (Okla.), a senior Republican appropriator, told The Hill Wednesday. “We’re having enough challenges moving appropriations bills. I don’t know why you’d want to add something else to them right now.”
“I have a lot to criticize in the bill, but I think this is the best we can get at this particular time, realizing the precarious situation that [Speaker Mike] Johnson [R-La.] is in,” Ways and Means Committee member Bill Pascrell (D-N.J.) told The Hill.
Johnson is under pressure from House conservatives to support steeper cuts and stricter immigration policy despite the speaker already striking a bipartisan funding agreement with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.).
While Schumer endorsed the deal on the Senate floor Tuesday and Wednesday, and specifically its expansion of low-income housing credits, Johnson still hadn’t weighed in on the deal as of Thursday morning.
Experts on the Congressional tax negotiations process told The Hill the bill is just at the beginning of its journey on the way to becoming a potential law and that the changes to it could be manifold.
“I just have a sense that we may see changes in the markup in Ways and Means, and once we get to the Senate, the Senate always gets its own stuff,” former Ways and Means Committee tax counsel Marc Gerson said in an interview. “And so what we have is a base bill … and I think it’s going to change.”
One source of pressure for more changes to the bill is the $10,000 cap on the state and local tax (SALT) deduction imposed through Republicans’ 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).
Blue-state Republican lawmakers representing districts with high local taxes have insisted on raising the SALT cap in any tax measure.
“I’m a no on a tax package that does not have adequate relief for SALT,” Rep. Nick LaLota (R-N.Y.) told The Hill.
“In high-tax blue states, it’s a popular thing to be pro-SALT, but to also fight for it. And I’m willing to fight for my constituents by voting no against my own party’s tax package unless and until it has meaningful relief on SALT,” he added.
Top tax writers in both chambers say there’s plenty of room to maneuver to get the deal done, specifically with the cancellation of the employee retention tax credit (ERC), which would serve as the deal’s main source of new revenue.
“There’s room on that,” Rep. Richard Neal (D-Mass.), ranking member of the House Ways and Means Committee, told The Hill on Wednesday.
“There’s a lot of moving parts that could bring a lot of Democrats along. We could make some adjustments based on the score [to] refundability on the child tax credit. There’s no inherent hostility on our side to some of the provisions, but we want them better paired with our requests for equitable purposes,” he said.
Neal said he “speculated” that the lion’s share of the roughly $78 billion in tax relief was now going to business credits rather than the expanded CTC.
“With a little bit more raising the ceiling, we could accomplish all the priorities that the members desire,” he added.
IRS Commissioner Danny Werfel was on Capitol Hill last week briefing the Senate Finance Committee on fraudulent activity associated with the ERC claims, which lawmakers say has been rampant as a result of intensive marketing a promotion by lawyers and accountants in the tax prep industry.
“We heard from a whistleblower that with these new claims, 95 percent of them were fraudulent,” Senate Finance Committee chair Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) told The Hill Wednesday. “I asked the commissioner if that was right, and he said, basically, ‘Yes.’”
Enthusiasm for the deal is also high with Wyden’s counterpart on the Senate Finance Committee, ranking member Mike Crapo (R-Idaho).
“The agreement announced … by Chairman Smith and Chairman Wyden is a thoughtful starting point for the House to begin the process,” Crapo said Tuesday.
A White House spokesperson told The Hill the White House looks forward to reviewing the full details of their agreement and supports the work of the tax-writing committees on the CTC and low-income housing.
Despite encouragement from the White House and at the committee level, lawmakers hardly think the tax deal is a lock.
“I hope people don’t try to tamper with it too much, because I think it will all just fall apart,” Cole said.
Business, Domestic Taxes, House, American Enterprise Institute, Bill Pascrell, business taxes, Child Tax Credit, Chuck Schumer, Cory Booker, Danny Werfel, Elizabeth Warren, Mike Crapo, Nick LaLota, Rep. Mike Johnson, Richard Neal, Sen. John Thune, Sen. Ron Wyden, Tax credits, tax fraud, taxes, Tom Cole A deal reached this week by top tax writing committees in Congress faces a number of hurdles in the House and Senate. Ahead of a Friday markup scheduled for the bill in the House Ways and Means Committee, lawmakers in both chambers have concerns about how exactly the $70 to $80 billion in tax relief…
Business
How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.
The Gatekeepers and Their Stains
The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.
When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.
Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.
He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.
Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.
So you have a financier who is:
- Funding brain and behavior research.
- Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
- Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.
None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms
There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.
Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.
Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.
Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:
- Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
- Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
- Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
- The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.
The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.
The Celebrity as Smoke Screen
Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.
Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”
That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.
The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

What to Love, Who to Fear
The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:
- Which artists are “marketable.”
- Which scientific questions are “important.”
- Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
- Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.
If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.
No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives
For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.
Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.
Questions worth carrying into every room:
- Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
- Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
- When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
- Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?
If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.
The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.
Business
New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection
The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.
In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response
Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:
She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,
“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”
The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.
While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.
A Reputation at a Crossroads
As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.
Business
Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.
- A Santa Clara County Superior Court judge has granted preliminary approval, calling the deal “fair” and noting that it could cover more than 6,600 current and former Google workers employed in the state between 2018 and 2024.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged
The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.
Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.
Why Black Employees Were Left Out
Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.
What The Settlement Provides
Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.
Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.
H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes
A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.
For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.
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