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Reports of drug money in Mexican politics shake up relations with US on February 1, 2024 at 10:58 pm

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U.S.-Mexico relations were rattled Wednesday by reports of a Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) investigation into drug money connections to Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s 2006 campaign.

Three distinct reports, published on ProPublicaInSight Crime and Deutsche Welle (DW), expanded on previous allegations that López Obrador aides took millions of dollars from drug cartels in 2006 in exchange for a promise of lax law enforcement if he came to power.

López Obrador on Wednesday and Thursday railed against the reports, alleging a State Department-led media conspiracy against him.

“In the case of the United States, the State Department and the agencies have a lot of influence in the management of media, and also here, but there is no proof. They are vile slanderers, although they are rewarded as good journalists,” he told reporters at his daily press conference Wednesday.

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The reports brought to the surface old grievances that López Obrador has against his political rivals and the United States at a time when President Biden has been actively courting the irascible Mexican president for cooperation on migration enforcement.

The DW report alleges López Obrador placed a thank you call to Edgar Valdez Villarreal — a U.S. citizen known as “La Barbie” who at the time led the Beltrán Leyva Organization — for facilitating between $2 million and $4 million to his campaign.

The Beltrán Leyva Organization at the time was allied with the Sinaloa Cartel under an umbrella group named “La Federación.”

ProPublica and InSight Crime reported that the DEA never established whether then-candidate López Obrador knew of the scheme.

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But all three reports, produced independently of one another, conveyed essentially the same story: that DEA agents carried out an investigation that placed López Obrador’s longtime aide Nicolás Mollinedo at the center of the scheme to receive campaign contributions from La Barbie.

The investigations were overseen by the Sensitive Activity Review Committee (SARC), where Department of Justice (DOJ) and DEA officials direct politically sensitive operations.

In 2012, shortly after López Obrador lost his second presidential election to former President Enrique Peña Nieto, SARC pulled the plug on the Mollinedo investigation.

Peña Nieto’s government was seen as less accepting of U.S.-Mexico security cooperation than former President Felipe Calderón’s, under which the two countries signed the Mérida Initiative to jointly combat drug trafficking.

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That attitude, according to the reports, made U.S. officials less bullish about pursuing an investigation tied to López Obrador, a major political figure in Mexico.

“In the 21st century, one would hope that what we had been building — starting in 2006, but mainly in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks against the U.S. in 2001, which was, I think, the big transition moment in the security and intel relationship between Mexico and the United States — that that’s the type of relationship that we need today,” said Arturo Sarukhán, who served as Calderón’s 2006 foreign affairs campaign adviser and as Mexican ambassador to the United States from 2007 to 2013.

But following the recent reports, López Obrador railed against deepened security cooperation, implying that Genaro García Luna, Calderón’s now-convicted former top security official, ran the Mexican government during Calderón’s term.

“About the DEA and other agencies involving themselves [in Mexican politics], of course they involve themselves, and more when they’re allowed, as it happened precisely during the government of — I don’t know whether to say Calderón or García Luna — then, they entered the country and did whatever they wanted. So that doesn’t happen anymore and that has them angry,” López Obrador said Wednesday.

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García Luna in 2023 was convicted of receiving bribes and using his position to aid the Sinaloa Cartel, in a case that his lawyer described as “built on the backs of some of the most notorious and ruthless criminals to testify in this courthouse.”

López Obrador and officials in his administration celebrated García Luna’s conviction, portraying it as proof that Calderón, López Obrador’s arch-nemesis, was corrupt.

Days ahead of the three reports on the 2006 campaign, the Mexican attorney general revived an old case, the assassination of Mexican presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio in 1994, naming a security agent who was then under García Luna’s command as an alleged second shooter.

Sarukhán called the attorney general’s new revelations “a smoke and mirrors operation” to distract from the stories, all of which had reached out for comment from López Obrador’s office on several occasions.

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“If you want a smoking gun, that to me is a smoking gun. It says that at least the Mexican government and the office of the president was very concerned and very uncomfortable by the information that these three outlets published,” said Sarukhán.

The Biden administration has stayed away from addressing the allegations directly, but a person familiar with the situation downplayed the probe, saying “the investigative activity was limited in time, constrained in scope to only drug-related criminal activity, noticed in-country, and concluded.”

In other words, U.S. officials in Mexico and Mexican officials were informed of the investigation before it was shut down.

Officially, DOJ touted its law enforcement cooperation with Mexico.

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“The Justice Department fully respects Mexico’s sovereignty, and we are committed to working shoulder to shoulder with our Mexican partners to combat the drug cartels responsible for so much death and destruction in both our countries. It is our standard practice not to comment on the existence of any particular investigative activity. We consistently follow strict internal protocols and oversight for handling all sensitive, international investigations,” a spokesperson told The Hill.
López Obrador on Thursday complained that the Biden administration turning the page was not enough, since the reports were sourced to several U.S. officials.

“That’s an informal question, I don’t accept that. What I want is for the government of the United States to manifest itself, because the president of Mexico has moral authority and has political authority. And if they don’t have proof, they have to apologize,” he told reporters.

Though López Obrador said the allegations in the reports are untrue and amount to libel, calling ProPublica’s Tim Golden “a mercenary at the service of the DEA,” he declined to call for charges against the outlets or the reporters involved.

“He’s a pawn, a mercenary of journalism, like they exist in Mexico they exist in the United States and all over the world, but that has to do with the Department of State, because it’s also not the DEA [by itself], abstractly. What, don’t they have information in the Department of State, in the Department of Justice?”

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Those accusations and López Obrador’s position that the reports were somehow engineered by the U.S. government could threaten bilateral cooperation, amid growing Democratic concerns about the role of migration in the 2024 presidential election.

“They know,” said López Obrador of Biden administration officials.

“President Biden should know about this because how are we going to be sitting at the table talking about combatting drugs, if they or one institution of theirs is leaking information and hurting me? Not me, what I represent,” he said.

Mexico, like the U.S., is facing a presidential election this year, and though López Obrador can’t run for reelection, he is pushing for his chosen successor, former Mexico City Mayor Claudia Sheinbaum, to win in June.

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Sheinbaum’s opponent, opposition candidate Xóchitl Gálvez, on Wednesday took López Obrador at his word. 

Gálvez called Golden a “very prestigious journalist,” but said López Obrador should open a criminal complaint in the United States if he believes the reports are libelous.

“It’s a very grave accusation against the head of the Mexican state,” she said. “He is obligated to present a criminal complaint before the United States, because they are accusing the head of the Mexican State.”

​ U.S.-Mexico relations were rattled Wednesday by reports of a Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) investigation into drug money connections to Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s 2006 campaign. Three distinct reports, published on ProPublica, InSight Crime and Deutsche Welle (DW), expanded on previous allegations that López Obrador aides took millions of dollars from drug cartels in 2006 in exchange for a… 

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French President Macron Sues Candace Owens for Calling His Wife a Man

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Background

French President Emmanuel Macron and his wife, Brigitte Macron, have filed a defamation lawsuit in the United States against conservative commentator Candace Owens, following Owens’ repeated allegations that the First Lady is a man. The suit marks a notable escalation in a long-running campaign of harassment and conspiracy theories targeting Madame Macron, with the French couple now seeking legal redress beyond their home country.

Credit: Presidencia de la República Mexicana

Details of the Lawsuit

  • Filed In: Delaware Superior Court, United States
  • Plaintiffs: Emmanuel and Brigitte Macron
  • Defendant: Candace Owens and her business entities
  • Counts: 22 counts, including defamation and “false light”

The suit describes Owens’ claims as “outrageous, libelous, and implausible fabrications,” asserting that they have subjected the Macrons to “relentless bullying” and a “campaign of global humiliation.” The Macrons allege that Owens has repeatedly ignored credible evidence, favoring sensationalism and conspiracy to profit from their personal lives.

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Owens’ Statements and Actions

According to the legal filings:

  • Owens published a podcast series called Becoming Brigitte, and created social media content with her 4.5 million YouTube subscribers, asserting that Brigitte Macron is actually a man named Jean-Michel Trogneux (the name of Brigitte’s brother).
  • Owens also marketed merchandise and monetized content centered around these false claims.
  • She publicly declared that she would “stake [her] entire professional reputation” on these allegations, despite being repeatedly confronted with contrary evidence and direct denials from the Macrons.

The Macrons’ Response

The Macrons argue that:

Credit: Christophe Licoppe / European Union, 2025 / EC – Audiovisual Service

Context and Precedents

This lawsuit is unusual in that a sitting world leader is personally suing a foreign media personality in another country’s courts. Notably:

Credit: Gage Skidmore

What’s Next

The Macrons are seeking both compensatory and punitive damages, as well as a public correction of the record. Owens has stated she will address the lawsuit on her own podcast, but had not commented further as of the time of filing.

This high-profile case spotlights the difficulties public figures face in combating viral misinformation, while also raising questions about the limits of free speech, defamation laws, and international jurisdiction in the social media age.

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Business

The U.S. Dollar Faces Its Biggest Shakeup in 60 Days

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Unprecedented Change on the Horizon

America’s financial system is experiencing sweeping transformation. A remarkable series of events—including landmark crypto legislation, China’s major reduction in U.S. Treasury holdings, and escalating friction between President Trump and Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell—signals a pivotal shift for the U.S. dollar and the future of global finance.

Congress Passes Groundbreaking Crypto Legislation

The GENIUS Act and More

  • The CBDC Anti-Surveillance State Act, which prohibits the Federal Reserve from issuing a retail central bank digital currency without congressional approval, effectively banning a U.S. government “digital dollar” CBDC.

Why it matters:
Advocates say these changes bring regulatory clarity, encourage the U.S. to maintain leadership in fintech, and respond to global competition, especially from China’s digital yuan and other BRICS initiatives.

China Dumps U.S. Treasuries to 16-Year Low

Implications:
While China remains a major holder, its steady sales draw global attention to the sustainability of U.S. debt financing and the dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency.

Trump vs. the Fed: The Power Struggle Intensifies

The Digital Dollar Goes On-Chain

Market Impact: Crypto Leaders, Gold, and DeFi Technologies Rally

The Big Picture

  • These unprecedented developments represent the most significant change to the dollar system since the U.S. left the gold standard or the Federal Reserve was established.
  • America’s response to global monetary competition is now being shaped by a digital dollar, regulatory innovation, and shifting international alliances.
  • The next 60 days are primed for continued disruption, with the financial world watching closely for the long-term effects on the U.S. dollar’s dominance and the broader global order.
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Iran’s $40 Million Bounty on Trump Explained

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The Origins of the Bounty

In July 2025, a shocking campaign emerged from Iran: a $40 million bounty was publicly placed on former U.S. President Donald Trump. This unprecedented move is rooted in escalating tensions following recent U.S. military strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities—actions reportedly authorized by Trump. The campaign was organized by a group calling itself Blood Covenant (sometimes referred to as “Blood Pact”), which has direct links to former employees of Iran’s state-run propaganda network.

The Fatwa and Religious Backing

The bounty is more than just a financial reward. It is underpinned by a fatwa—a religious edict—issued by several prominent Iranian clerics. These clerics labeled Trump an “enemy of Allah” and declared that his killing would be a religious duty for Muslims. The campaign’s website, thaar.ir, displays Quranic verses and promises not only the cash reward but also spiritual benefits, such as entry to paradise and the title of “defender of Islam,” to anyone who carries out the act.

How the Fundraising Works

Key Figures and Organizations

Government Response and Denials

While the campaign has been widely promoted in Iranian media and by clerics, Iran’s President Masoud Pezeshkian has publicly distanced his government from the bounty and the fatwas, stating that such religious decrees have “nothing to do with the Iranian government or the Supreme Leader.” However, state-affiliated media and hardline clerics continue to endorse the campaign, emphasizing the religious justification for targeting Trump.

U.S. and International Reaction

  • Security Concerns: U.S. authorities remain on high alert, given Iran’s history of plotting attacks on American leaders. The State Department has indicated it is using all available tools, including sanctions, to hold those responsible accountable4.
  • Trump’s Response: Trump himself has publicly downplayed the threats, responding with characteristic humor when asked about warnings that he could be targeted by a drone while at his Mar-a-Lago estate89.

The Bigger Picture

The $40 million bounty on Trump is a stark reminder of the enduring animosity between the U.S. and Iran, especially in the wake of military escalations and the 2020 killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani. The campaign is notable for:

  • Its scale and publicity, leveraging modern crowdfunding techniques.
  • The fusion of religious and political motives, making the threat both ideological and material.
  • The potential for escalation, as hardline elements within Iran continue to push for retribution.

Conclusion

Iran’s $40 million bounty on Donald Trump is a chilling development at the intersection of geopolitics, religion, and digital mobilization. While the actual funds raised remain difficult to independently verify, the campaign’s existence—and the broad support it appears to enjoy among certain Iranian factions—underscores the volatility of U.S.-Iran relations and the enduring risks faced by high-profile political figures.

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