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Menendez case signals new chapter for DOJ on foreign agent law on October 15, 2023 at 10:00 am Business News | The Hill

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A new federal charge against Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) purports he conspired with his wife and a New Jersey businessman to act as a foreign agent of Egypt — an unprecedented allegation marking the first time a sitting U.S. senator has been accused of working on behalf of another government.

The superseding indictment is an escalation from federal bribery charges that prompted calls for Menendez’s resignation last month. The senior senator maintained his innocence in a statement to The Hill on Thursday, calling the new foreign agent charges “an attempt to wear someone down.”

Trying the case may also prove to be a test for federal prosecutors who have escalated enforcement action related to undisclosed foreign influence operations in the U.S.

“It is absolutely a signal to the public and to the advocacy community that the Department of Justice is not backing away from FARA enforcement,” said Josh Rosenstein, a member of Sandler Reiff Lamb Rosenstein & Birkenstock who specializes in Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) compliance.

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FARA has been in place since 1938 to compel disclosure of foreign propaganda and lobbying efforts. It is not illegal to lobby on behalf of a foreign government as long as the agent is registered and properly discloses under FARA — unless, of course, that agent is a public official.

Federal prosecutors in the Southern District of New York allege Menendez, who chaired the Senate Foreign Relations Committee before federal bribery charges prompted him to step down from his leadership role, used his influence to secretly aid the government of Egypt.

“Maybe it goes without saying, but members of the United States Senate — regardless of whether they register or not — are simply not permitted to be agents of foreign principles,” said Matthew L. Schwartz, a former federal prosecutor in the Southern District of New York who now focuses on white collar defense as managing partner of Boies Schiller Flexner. 

“Their allegiance has to be to the United States,” Schwartz added.

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In his Thursday statement, Menendez described an unwavering loyalty to the U.S. throughout his life and career and said the charges contradict what he characterized as a record of challenging the Egyptian government on issues related to democracy and human rights.

The new charge cites a related statute that explicitly bars officials from actions that would trigger registration under FARA.

This is the first time the statute has been used, according to several FARA experts, underlying the unprecedented nature of the charge.

“There’s nothing I’m aware of like this where a sitting member of Congress is accused of working as a foreign agent,” Ben Freeman, a FARA expert and director of the democratizing foreign policy program at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, told The Hill in a phone interview.

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(One of the reporters who contributed to this story, Taylor Giorno, interned with Freeman between August 2021 and March 2022.)

The decision to charge the sitting senator with conspiracy to act as a foreign agent may mark the beginnings of a new FARA enforcement strategy, according to Rosenstein.

“If it is the case that the government will now start bringing conspiracy charges more frequently in the FARA arena, that may be the next salvo in basically the government’s attempt to enforce FARA because you do not need the same level of willfulness for conspiracy, you need an overt act,” Rosenstein said.

Rob Kelner, a Covington & Burling partner who runs the firm’s FARA practice, said it’s possible prosecutors chose to charge Menendez under an adjacent statute because the threshold for proving he “willfully” acted as a foreign agent is likely lower than with FARA itself.

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That the DOJ didn’t originally bring a FARA-linked charge could indicate a disagreement among prosecutors as to whether their evidence met the necessary threshold, resulting in a compromise with the new charge Menendez, his wife and another co-defendant face, Kelner said.

“As it is with many ‘white collar’ cases, it’s gonna be about proving what was in the mind of the defendant, whether it’s a question of whether they intended to fraud someone, or in this case, whether they were really acting as an agent of Egypt as opposed to having acted independently,” Schwartz said.

In a 2020 letter sent to John Demers, then assistant attorney general of the Justice Department’s National Security Division, Menendez argued the department should investigate potential FARA violations by a former member of Congress.

“The Act is clear that acting directly or indirectly in any capacity on behalf of a foreign principal triggers the requirement to register under FARA,” Menendez wrote in the letter.

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In a second letter, sent in 2022, Menendez said “it is imperative that the Justice Department ensure he is held to account,” according to the indictment.

Experts say the letters demonstrate his grasp on the actions that would trigger registration under FARA. But Steve Roberts, a partner at Holtzman Vogel, pointed out that Menendez himself did not necessarily write them.

“You and I know how a Senate office works — the staffer writes the letter, signs the boss’s name, maybe the boss sees it, maybe he doesn’t,” Roberts said. “If Menendez saw that letter, then it shows that he knows what FARA is and was trying to lay it against others. But if I’m his lawyer, I might say he didn’t actually see this letter, this was just staff doing their job.”

In addition to the new foreign influence charge, Menendez, his wife and three New Jersey businessmen are accused of entering a “corrupt relationship” where Menendez traded his political sway for lavish bribes, including gold bars, “hundreds of thousands of dollars” and a luxury vehicle. 

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The indictment alleges Menendez passed nonpublic, “highly sensitive” State Department information about people serving at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo to an Egyptian government official via his wife, Nadine Arslanian, and Wael “Will” Hana, one of the businessmen. It also asserts that the senator sought to use his political sway to disrupt a criminal investigation into Jose Uribe and the prosecution of Fred Daibes, the other two businessmen.

Menendez pleaded not guilty to the counts he faces and has repeatedly decried the allegations against him as “baseless.” His wife and the businessmen have also pleaded not guilty to their charges. 

An arraignment on the superseding indictment is scheduled for Wednesday afternoon in New York.

The new charge could complicate the government’s case, making it easier for defense attorneys to argue that Menendez was acting in what he believed to be the best interest of the nation and his constituents, Schwartz said. 

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But it also drastically alters the severity of the case, particularly from a political standpoint. 

“Before, it was a political case in the sense that it was about a sitting U.S. senator who was allegedly selling access and selling official action,” Schwartz said. “Now, the allegation is not only that he sold access and official action, but he sold it to a foreign government and he acted at the behest of the foreign government.”

Since the charges were announced, Menendez’s Democratic colleagues have urged him to resign from office, with fellow New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker (D) — a longtime friend and ally — last month calling his choice to remain in the upper chamber a “mistake.”

On Thursday, Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.) called on the full Senate to vote on a resolution to expel Menendez from the chamber in the wake of the new charges.

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Menendez has faced federal corruption charges before; in 2015, he was accused of accepting gifts and trips from a donor. However, those charges were dropped in 2018 after a jury failed to reach a verdict.

The FARA office has also weathered some recent high-profile losses.

Last October, a federal judge dismissed the Justice Department case against casino mogul Steve Wynn trying to compel him to register as a foreign agent of China.

Another prominent case against then-Brookings Institution President John Allen, a retired four-star Marine general accused of secretly lobbying on behalf of Qatar, was dropped earlier this year.

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But the department did score a win this spring when former Fugees member Prakazrel “Pras” Michel was convicted of 10 charges, including failure to register as a foreign agent of China.

The agency has precipitously increased FARA prosecutions in recent years.

The Justice Department brought just seven criminal FARA cases between 1996 and 2015, according to a 2016 report by the Office of the Inspector General. 

Since then, Freeman estimates more than twenty people have been indicted on FARA-related charges.

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“By the numbers, [FARA] enforcement is way up, and as this case makes clear, they’re willing to go after the biggest fish in the D.C. swamp,” Freeman said.

​Senate, Business, News A new federal charge against Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.) purports he conspired with his wife and a New Jersey businessman to act as a foreign agent of Egypt — an unprecedented allegation marking the first time a sitting U.S. senator has been accused of working on behalf of another government. The superseding indictment is an…  

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How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

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Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

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Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

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Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

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Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

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New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

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In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

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This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

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Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

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Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

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