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Citizens United anniversary marks expensive start to 2024 election on January 18, 2024 at 11:00 am Business News | The Hill

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Nearly 14 years after a controversial Supreme Court case opened the door to unlimited independent spending in federal elections, the U.S. is on track for another election cycle with record-breaking spending.

In the 5-4 decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (FEC) handed down Jan. 21, 2010, the Supreme Court ruled longstanding limits on independent expenditures by corporations, unions and other groups in federal elections violated the First Amendment right to free speech, although they cannot legally coordinate their spending with campaigns.

Citizens United kicked off “a race to the top of the spending charts,” Sarah Bryner, director of research and strategy at the money-in-politics tracking organization OpenSecrets, told The Hill.

AdImpact, a political advertising tracking firm, anticipates $10.2 billion will be spent on political advertising across broadcast, cable, radio, satellite, digital and CTV during the 2024 cycle, which would make it the most expensive in history. AdImpact tracked more than $9 billion in such political expenditures during the 2020 election cycle, the standing record.

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Super PACs and other outside groups, which were permitted to spend unlimited amounts of money on elections following the Citizens United ruling, are already outstripping spending in previous election cycles.

Outside groups have dumped nearly $318 million into 2024 presidential and congressional elections as of Sunday, OpenSecrets reported. That top-line figure is more than six times the amount spent through the same period in 2020. 

A boom in outside spending since the Citizens United decision has contributed to steadily more expensive elections.

During the 2008 cycle, the last presidential election cycle before 2010 Supreme Court ruling, candidates, political parties and independent outside groups spent $7.1 billion on federal elections, adjusted for inflation, according to OpenSecrets. During the 2020 election cycle, total spending topped $16.4 billion.

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The wash of money in politics — and its perceived influence on politicians and the policymaking process — has left many Americans skeptical that their elected representatives are working for them.

More than 70 percent of American adults across ideological and demographic lines think there should be limits on how much money individuals and organizations can spend on elections, according to a recent Pew Research Center study. The D.C.-based think tank surveyed 8,480 adults from July 10 to 16, 2023, and released the data as part of its “Americans’ Dismal Views of the Nation’s Politics” report this past fall.

But Bryner sees negative views of the role of money in politics as “more of a symptom of the kind of polarization and alienation that people feel from politics.”

“We have these legal changes that allow for huge donations by mega donors and by corporations and unions, and then we also have this societal shift where political giving is part of what people think they need to do to be involved and to make change,” Bryner said. “And I think that both of those contribute to these record totals.”

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An expensive start to 2024

There’s already a ton of money pouring into the 2024 presidential race.

Campaigns and their affiliated PACs poured more than $120 million into state political ad buys ahead of the Iowa Republican caucuses on Monday, a new record, according to AdImpact data reported by CNBC.

But whether predictions of record-breaking spending come to pass remains to be seen, Bryner said.

“I have been saying the whole time that I think that depends on what happens with this [Republican] primary,” Bryner said. “If [President] Trump wraps up the Republican nomination really fast, there are less opportunities for heavy spending in a lot of these primary contests.”

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Trump handily won Iowa, though former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley has closed the gap to single digits in New Hampshire, according to polling analysis by Decision Desk HQ/The Hill. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis also remains in the race heading into the GOP primary in New Hampshire next Tuesday. 

Ciara Torres-Spelliscy, an associate professor at Stetson University College of Law who specializes in campaign finance and constitutional law, predicts another cycle of record spending if Trump and Biden face off again.

“Both of these candidates are excellent at fundraising and then you’re going to have all of the outside money and dark money trying to influence individuals’ votes,” Torres-Spelliscy said. “I think we’re in for a bumpy ride.”

President Biden’s reelection operation — comprising his campaign, joint fundraising committees and the Democratic National Committee — announced Monday it has $117 million on hand and raked in more than $97 million during the fourth quarter of 2023.

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Official year-end filings due to the FEC at the end of January will paint a clearer picture of how much money candidates have on hand heading into the first leg of the 2024 election.

‘Dark money’ fuels negative view of the role of money in politics

An overwhelming majority of Americans — 82 percent — told Pew they think donors have too much influence over decisions made by members of Congress, and 73 percent thought lobbyists and special interest groups hold too much sway.

The explosion of “dark money,” political spending to influence voters without disclosing the source or the funds by groups that do not disclose their donors, after the Citizens United decision may contribute to pessimistic attitudes about who is influencing elected officials.

“You have no idea who is paying to influence those outcomes, and I think it’s also a little bit naive to assume that even though it’s anonymous to the public, it’s anonymous to the recipient,” Bryner said.

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OpenSecrets found that of the $9 billion in outside spending between Citizens United and the 2022 election, more than $2.6 billion came from opaque sources.

Perhaps the most sensational recent example was the stunning downfall of Sam Bankman-Fried, the founder of the cryptocurrency exchange platform FTX who publicly contributed $40.7 million to federal Democratic candidates and groups during the 2022 election cycle and allegedly kept his donations to Republicans “dark.”

While independent expenditure groups, like super PACs, are legally required to disclose their donors, contributions from shell companies, nonprofits or straw donors can conceal the true source of the funds.

Dark money groups have also found creative ways to get around reporting their spending to the FEC, including stopping spending within a certain window before an election and avoiding the use of “magic words” calling on voters to support or oppose a candidate that would trigger disclosure.

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But Torres-Spelliscy told The Hill she thinks it’s “not fair to blame Citizens United for dark money.”

“Citizens United is actually good on disclosure,” Torres-Spelliscy said, noting the Supreme Court ruled 8-1 to uphold disclosure requirements as part of its decision in Citizens United.

The late conservative stalwart Justice Antonin Scalia, who voted in the majority on Citizens United, agreed the First Amendment does not extend the right to “speak” anonymously in a 2010 opinion in the case of Doe v. Reed.

“Requiring people to stand up in public for their political acts fosters civic courage, without which democracy is doomed,” Scalia wrote. “For my part, I do not look forward to a society which, thanks to the Supreme Court, campaigns anonymously and even exercises the direct democracy of initiative and referendum hidden from public scrutiny and protected from the accountability of criticism. This does not resemble the Home of the Brave.”

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Following the Citizens United decision, conservative groups were the first to use dark money aggressively, Issue One Research Director Michael Beckel told The Hill, but liberal groups have caught up in recent years, broadening the practice out across the political spectrum.

“One trend to be paying attention to this year is to what extent both teams are using dark money, or if one team is using it more. Generally in the last few election cycles, we’ve seen both Democrats and Republicans willing to use dark money vehicles. Neither side wants to be left behind in this political money arms race,” Beckel said.

Taylor Giorno previously worked for OpenSecrets.

​Business, Campaign, 2024 election, antonin scalia, citizens united, dark money, Democratic NAtional Committee, Donald Trump, Joe Biden, Nikki Haley, OpenSecrets, politics, Ron DeSantis, Supreme Court Nearly 14 years after a controversial Supreme Court case opened the door to unlimited independent spending in federal elections, the U.S. is on track for another election cycle with record-breaking spending. In the 5-4 decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (FEC) handed down Jan. 21, 2010, the Supreme Court ruled longstanding limits on…  

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How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

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Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

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Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

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Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

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Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

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New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

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In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

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This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

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Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

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Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

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