Connect with us

Business

Dozens of Texas businesses back challenge to abortion ban: ‘This is why our economy is taking a hit’ on December 14, 2023 at 4:32 pm Business News | The Hill

Published

on

Ambiguities in Texas’s abortion ban are making it harder for businesses in the state to recruit, a coalition of businesses argued on Thursday. 

Fifty-one businesses have signed onto an amicus brief filed by in-house counsel at dating site Bumble, which was filed in support of 22 women suing the state over the abortion ban.

The plaintiffs in that case — Zurawski v. Texas — are 20 former patients who argue that they were denied medically necessary abortions because physicians were afraid of legal consequences.

Advertisement

As a tech company largely run by women, Bumble CEO Whitney Wolfe Herd said she feels it has a duty not just to provide access to health care, “but to speak out – and speak loudly – against the retrogression of women’s rights.”

The businesses signing onto the letter — which include dating sites Bumble and Match (which owns Match.com and Tinder), advertising giants Preacher and GDS&M, event organizers SXSW and the United States Women’s Chamber of Commerce as well as dozens of Texas real estate, law firms and restaurant groups — argued that the state’s abortion laws make it unattractive for families looking to move to a place where they can have children. 

In the wake of the Supreme Court decision overturning Roe v. Wade, Texas has enacted a near-total ban on abortion after a fetus has a heartbeat, which typically occurs around 6 weeks into pregnancy and often before a woman knows she is pregnant. 

After that point, the state allows the procedure only when it’s deemed medically necessary — an exception that the Zurawski plaintiffs, and others, argue is overly ambiguous and has not translated into legal abortions in the real world. 

Advertisement

The uncertainty in those laws “has impacted, and will continue to impact, companies doing business in Texas, companies thinking about doing business in Texas, employees living in or traveling to Texas, and individuals considering relocating to Texas,” the letter reads. 

“Because of those undeniable realities, businesses are now forced to confront this issue head on — not for moral or legal reasons — but to keep the lights on and people working, making money,” it continues. 

“No sector of the Texas economy is immune.” 

The state’s GOP leadership has sought to attract transplants from other states to Texas, which it has cast as a pro-business, small government paradise: a place with no income tax and consistent local regulations and where parents’ rights in schools reign supreme. 

Advertisement

But the Bumble letter draws together case studies of prospective transplants — including oil company executives — who decided against moving to Texas based on their desire to start a family. 

It also emphasizes the risk felt even by women who are visiting the state on business — or for the lucrative professional conventions that Texas cities compete to attract.

In 2023, for example, the Society of Women Engineers (SWE) — an organization with 40,000 members — announced it would not hold conferences in “any location where there are limits on reproductive” healthcare, a list that incudes Texas.

SWE was joined in this move by other professional societies, like the Society for Integrative and Comparative Biology, and the Journal of Urology, which cited the duty of conference organizers “to reasonably ensure female urologists can safely attend without the threat of catastrophic health consequences.”

Advertisement

The Bumble filing draws on research that found that nearly half of young women in nine battleground states are considering or making plans to move to a state with “comprehensive protections” for reproductive healthcare, and nearly two-thirds of college educated workers nationwide would not consider a job in a state with abortion restrictions.

To make matters worse, women and their doctors don’t have a clear picture of what conditions are exceptional enough to allow them to secure abortions under the exception for medically necessary cases, filing author Sarah Stewart of law firm Reed Smith told The Hill.

“The Zurawski question is: what standard doctors need to meet? Is it good faith medical judgment or something else?” Stewart asked. 

Stewart added that the inherent complication and unintended consequences that attend pregnancy make a set-it-and-forget-it list of exceptions untenable. “If it’s an objective standard, then the state will always be able to come up with another doctor who will testify that the abortion wasn’t necessary — so that brings no comfort, and no clarity and certainty to the doctor,” ” she told The Hill.  

Advertisement

In essence, Stewart added, the exceptions leave state doctors in the same place as an explicit ban, only now “with the threat of very severe consequences if it turns out that they guessed wrong.” 

All this means that the abortion ban is costing the state $15 billion per year in lost revenue as qualified candidates go elsewhere and women of childbearing age stay out of the workforce, according to a 2021 report by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research cited in the Bumble letter. 

The businesses that signed on to the Bumble filing argue that these costs are falling on them. To draw people to states where abortion bans are in place, businesses are now having to beef up their medical policies to pay for travel so that employees can get reproductive healthcare outside the state, the letter notes  — something that corporations from Microsoft and Disney to Google and Wells Fargo now offer. 

Critics of Texas’s abortion laws, passed in 2021 and 2022, have pointed to the disjunction between the start-point of the state’s ban and the timeline when most women learn they’re pregnant as a troubling source of uncertainty.

Advertisement

The Bumble letter — and the broader Zurawski challenge it is a part of — emphasize that the laws’ cut-off point also conflicts with another timeline: the one when some women with badly wanted pregnancies receive the brutal news that their fetuses have serious medical conditions. 

The state’s ban kicks in long before parents get such news. 

For example, genetic testing — which can reveal lethal fetal abnormalities like trisomy 13, Tay Sachs or anencephaly — can only be performed after about 10 weeks of pregnancy. 

That testing is how Kate Cox — the Dallas-area woman at the center of a court battle over the ban who just fled Texas to secure an out-of-state abortion — found out roughly 20 weeks into pregnancy that the fetus she was carrying had trisomy 18, a rare and generally fatal condition that leads to rampant abnormalities throughout the body. 

Advertisement

Like many of the Zurawski plaintiffs, Cox was told by her doctors that her health would be at risk if she didn’t get an abortion — but she was unable to obtain the procedure under the state’s ban despite it’s exception for medically necessary cases. 

The standard for this exception, Zurawski plaintiffs argue, is dangerously unclear, and the penalties for doctors who get it wrong are very high. Those can include felony charges of up to 99 years in prison, civil fines of up to $100,000 and — even if the state ignores the case — potential lawsuits under Senate Bill 8 from any private citizen who feels the abortion was unnecessary. 

That’s a restrictive understanding of the ban — but also one the Texas Supreme Court seemed to affirm in Cox’s case. 

The court ruled on Monday evening that protections are available to doctors who perform abortions only if the mother’s life is definitely at risk, and that since Cox’s doctor had not used the phrase “life-threatening physical condition” in the filing that sought to secure her an abortion, she had not met the standard.

Advertisement

Similarly to Cox, Zurawski plaintiff Lauren Hall had to travel to Washington to get an abortion after her fetus was diagnosed with anencephaly — a fatal condition in which a fetus develops without a skull or brain. 

In that case, Hall recalled to The Texas Tribune, her doctor advised her to sneak out of state. 

The state legislature in 2023 passed some reforms allowing abortion in limited cases. But the court’s Monday ruling on Cox’s case strongly implies that little has changed in the law’s practical application since Hall’s flight. 

Cases like those tell women thinking of a move to Texas that the state is “fundamentally unserious” about protecting women and newborns, said Rachel O’Leary Carmona, executive director of Women’s March.

Advertisement

O’Leary Carmona said that dynamic is particularly clear when the abortion ban is stacked up against Texas’s high maternal mortality rate and its lack of mandatory paid maternity leave or state support for recent mothers.

“There’s not any demonstrable policy that deals with the issue of actually giving women the support that they need to have to have a reasonable choice to become a mother,” she added.

The Bumble letter echoed those concerns. As medical practitioners leave Texas to avoid being caught in its abortion ambiguities, it’s creating a feedback loop “that further pushes away business and workers,” Stewart wrote.

Cox’s case, she said, “are why businesses will continue to struggle to recruit and retain talent. This is why pregnant women from other states are hesitant to travel to Texas for business meetings. This is why doctors are leaving the state.”

Advertisement

“This is why our economy is taking a hit.” 

​Business, Health Care, News, Policy, State Watch Ambiguities in Texas’s abortion ban are making it harder for businesses in the state to recruit, a coalition of businesses argued on Thursday. Fifty-one businesses have signed onto an amicus brief filed by in-house counsel at dating site Bumble, which was filed in support of 22 women suing the state over the abortion ban. The plaintiffs in that…  

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Business

How Epstein’s Cash Shaped Artists, Agencies, and Algorithms

Published

on

Jeffrey Epstein’s money did more than buy private jets and legal leverage. It flowed into the same ecosystem that decides which artists get pushed to the front, which research gets labeled “cutting edge,” and which stories about race and power are treated as respectable debate instead of hate speech. That doesn’t mean he sat in a control room programming playlists. It means his worldview seeped into institutions that already shape what we hear, see, and believe.

The Gatekeepers and Their Stains

The fallout around Casey Wasserman is a vivid example of how this works. Wasserman built a powerhouse talent and marketing agency that controls a major slice of sports, entertainment, and the global touring business. When the Epstein files revealed friendly, flirtatious exchanges between Wasserman and Ghislaine Maxwell, and documented his ties to Epstein’s circle, artists and staff began to question whose money and relationships were quietly underwriting their careers.

That doesn’t prove Epstein “created” any particular star. But it shows that a man deeply entangled with Epstein was sitting at a choke point: deciding which artists get representation, which tours get resources, which festivals and campaigns happen. In an industry built on access and favor, proximity to someone like Epstein is not just gossip; it signals which values are tolerated at the top.

When a gatekeeper with that history sits between artists and the public, “the industry” stops being an abstract machine and starts looking like a web of human choices — choices that, for years, were made in rooms where Epstein’s name wasn’t considered a disqualifier.

Funding Brains, Not Just Brands

Epstein’s interest in culture didn’t end with celebrity selfies. He was obsessed with the science of brains, intelligence, and behavior — and that’s where his money begins to overlap with how audiences are modeled and, eventually, how algorithms are trained.

He cultivated relationships with scientists at elite universities and funded research into genomics, cognition, and brain development. In one high‑profile case, a UCLA professor specializing in music and the brain corresponded with Epstein for years and accepted funding for an institute focused on how music affects neural circuits. On its face, that looks like straightforward philanthropy. Put it next to his email trail and a different pattern appears.

Advertisement

Epstein’s correspondence shows him pushing eugenics and “race science” again and again — arguing that genetic differences explain test score gaps between Black and white people, promoting the idea of editing human beings under the euphemism of “genetic altruism,” and surrounding himself with thinkers who entertained those frames. One researcher in his orbit described Black children as biologically better suited to running and hunting than to abstract thinking.

So you have a financier who is:

  • Funding brain and behavior research.
  • Deeply invested in ranking human groups by intelligence.
  • Embedded in networks that shape both scientific agendas and cultural production.

None of that proves a specific piece of music research turned into a specific Spotify recommendation. But it does show how his ideology was given time, money, and legitimacy in the very spaces that define what counts as serious knowledge about human minds.

How Ideas Leak Into Algorithms

There is another layer that is easier to see: what enters the knowledge base that machines learn from.

Fringe researchers recently misused a large U.S. study of children’s genetics and brain development to publish papers claiming racial hierarchies in IQ and tying Black people’s economic outcomes to supposed genetic deficits. Those papers then showed up as sources in answers from large AI systems when users asked about race and intelligence. Even after mainstream scientists criticized the work, it had already entered both the academic record and the training data of systems that help generate and rank content.

Epstein did not write those specific papers, but he funded the kind of people and projects that keep race‑IQ discourse alive inside elite spaces. Once that thinking is in the mix, recommendation engines and search systems don’t have to be explicitly racist to reproduce it. They simply mirror what’s in their training data and what has been treated as “serious” research.

Advertisement

Zoomed out, the pipeline looks less like a neat conspiracy and more like an ecosystem:

  • Wealthy men fund “edgy” work on genes, brains, and behavior.
  • Some of that work revives old racist ideas with new data and jargon.
  • Those studies get scraped, indexed, and sometimes amplified by AI systems.
  • The same platforms host and boost music, video, and news — making decisions shaped by engagement patterns built on biased narratives.

The algorithm deciding what you see next is standing downstream from all of this.

The Celebrity as Smoke Screen

Epstein’s contact lists are full of directors, actors, musicians, authors, and public intellectuals. Many now insist they had no idea what he was doing. Some probably didn’t; others clearly chose not to ask. From Epstein’s perspective, the value of those relationships is obvious.

Being seen in orbit around beloved artists and cultural figures created a reputational firewall. If the public repeatedly saw him photographed with geniuses, Oscar winners, and hit‑makers, their brains filed him under “eccentric patron” rather than “dangerous predator.”

That softens the landing for his ideas, too. Race science sounds less toxic when it’s discussed over dinner at a university‑backed salon or exchanged in emails with a famous thinker.

The more oxygen is spent on the celebrity angle — who flew on which plane, who sat at which dinner — the less attention is left for what may matter more in the long run: the way his money and ideology were welcomed by institutions that shape culture and knowledge.

Advertisement
Ghislaine Maxwell seen alongside Jeffrey Epstein in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

What to Love, Who to Fear

The point is not to claim that Jeffrey Epstein was secretly programming your TikTok feed or hand‑picking your favorite rapper. The deeper question is what happens when a man with his worldview is allowed to invest in the people and institutions that decide:

  • Which artists are “marketable.”
  • Which scientific questions are “important.”
  • Which studies are “serious” enough to train our machines on.
  • Which faces and stories are framed as aspirational — and which as dangerous.

If your media diet feels saturated with certain kinds of Black representation — hyper‑visible in music and sports, under‑represented in positions of uncontested authority — while “objective” science quietly debates Black intelligence, that’s not random drift. It’s the outcome of centuries of narrative work that men like Epstein bought into and helped sustain.

No one can draw a straight, provable line from his bank account to a specific song or recommendation. But the lines he did draw — to elite agencies, to brain and music research, to race‑obsessed science networks — are enough to show this: his money was not only paying for crimes in private. It was also buying him a seat at the tables where culture and knowledge are made, where the stories about who to love and who to fear get quietly agreed upon.

Bill Clinton and English musician Mick Jagger in newly-released Epstein files from the DOJ. (DOJ)

A Challenge to Filmmakers and Creatives

For anyone making culture inside this system, that’s the uncomfortable part: this isn’t just a story about “them.” It’s also a story about you.

Filmmakers, showrunners, musicians, actors, and writers all sit at points where money, narrative, and visibility intersect. You rarely control where the capital ultimately comes from, but you do control what you validate, what you reproduce, and what you challenge.

Questions worth carrying into every room:

  • Whose gaze are you serving when you pitch, cast, and cut?
  • Which Black characters are being centered — and are they full humans or familiar stereotypes made safe for gatekeepers?
  • When someone says a project is “too political,” “too niche,” or “bad for the algorithm,” whose comfort is really being protected?
  • Are you treating “the industry” as a neutral force, or as a set of human choices you can push against?

If wealth like Epstein’s can quietly seep into agencies, labs, and institutions that decide what gets made and amplified, then the stories you choose to tell — and refuse to tell — become one of the few levers of resistance inside that machine. You may not control every funding source, but you can decide whether your work reinforces a world where Black people are data points and aesthetics, or one where they are subjects, authors, and owners.

The industry will always have its “gatekeepers.” The open question is whether creatives accept that role as fixed, or start behaving like counter‑programmers: naming the patterns, refusing easy archetypes, and building alternative pathways, platforms, and partnerships wherever possible. In a landscape where money has long been used to decide what to love and who to fear, your choices about whose stories get light are not just artistic decisions. They are acts of power.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Business

New DOJ Files Reveal Naomi Campbell’s Deep Ties to Jeffrey Epstein

Published

on

In early 2026, the global conversation surrounding the “Epstein files” has reached a fever pitch as the Department of Justice continues to un-redact millions of pages of internal records. Among the most explosive revelations are detailed email exchanges between Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein that directly name supermodel Naomi Campbell. While Campbell has long maintained she was a peripheral figure in Epstein’s world, the latest documents—including an explicit message where Maxwell allegedly offered “two playmates” for the model—have forced a national re-evaluation of her proximity to the criminal enterprise.

The Logistics of a High-Fashion Connection

The declassified files provide a rare look into the operational relationship between the supermodel and the financier. Flight logs and internal staff emails from as late as 2016 show that Campbell’s travel was frequently subsidized by Epstein’s private fleet. In one exchange, Epstein’s assistants discussed the urgency of her travel requests, noting she had “no backup plan” and was reliant on his jet to reach international events.

Screenshot

This level of logistical coordination suggests a relationship built on significant mutual favors, contrasting with Campbell’s previous descriptions of him as just another face in the crowd.

In Her Own Words: The “Sickened” Response

Campbell has not remained silent as these files have surfaced, though her defense has been consistent for years. In a widely cited 2019 video response that has been recirculated amid the 2026 leaks, she stated, “What he’s done is indefensible. I’m as sickened as everyone else is by it.” When confronted with photos of herself at parties alongside Epstein and Maxwell, she has argued against the concept of “guilt by association,” telling the press:

“I’ve always said that I knew him, as I knew many other people… I was introduced to him on my 31st birthday by my ex-boyfriend. He was always at the Victoria’s Secret shows.”

She has further emphasized her stance by aligning herself with those Epstein harmed, stating,

“I stand with the victims. I’m not a person who wants to see anyone abused, and I never have been.””

The Mystery of the “Two Playmates”

The most damaging piece of evidence in the recent 2026 release is an email where Maxwell reportedly tells Epstein she has “two playmates” ready for Campbell.

While the context of this “offer” remains a subject of intense debate—with some investigators suggesting it refers to the procurement of young women for social or sexual purposes—Campbell’s legal team has historically dismissed such claims as speculative. However, for a public already wary of elite power brokers, the specific wording used in these private DOJ records has created a “stop-the-scroll” moment that is proving difficult for the fashion icon to move past.

A Reputation at a Crossroads

As a trailblazer in the fashion industry, Campbell is now navigating a period where her professional achievements are being weighed against her presence in some of history’s most notorious social circles. The 2026 files don’t just name her; they place her within a broader system where modeling agents and scouts allegedly groomed young women under the guise of high-fashion opportunities. Whether these records prove a deeper complicity or simply illustrate the unavoidable overlap of the 1% remains the central question of the ongoing DOJ investigation.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Business

Google Accused Of Favoring White, Asian Staff As It Reaches $28 Million Deal That Excludes Black Workers

Published

on

Google has tentatively agreed to a $28 million settlement in a California class‑action lawsuit alleging that white and Asian employees were routinely paid more and placed on faster career tracks than colleagues from other racial and ethnic backgrounds.

How The Discrimination Claims Emerged

The lawsuit was brought by former Google employee Ana Cantu, who identifies as Mexican and racially Indigenous and worked in people operations and cloud departments for about seven years. Cantu alleges that despite strong performance, she remained stuck at the same level while white and Asian colleagues doing similar work received higher pay, higher “levels,” and more frequent promotions.

Cantu’s complaint claims that Latino, Indigenous, Native American, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and Alaska Native employees were systematically underpaid compared with white and Asian coworkers performing substantially similar roles. The suit also says employees who raised concerns about pay and leveling saw raises and promotions withheld, reinforcing what plaintiffs describe as a two‑tiered system inside the company.

Why Black Employees Were Left Out

Cantu’s legal team ultimately agreed to narrow the class to employees whose race and ethnicity were “most closely aligned” with hers, a condition that cleared the path to the current settlement.

The judge noted that Black employees were explicitly excluded from the settlement class after negotiations, meaning they will not share in the $28 million payout even though they were named in earlier versions of the case. Separate litigation on behalf of Black Google employees alleging racial bias in pay and promotions remains pending, leaving their claims to be resolved in a different forum.

What The Settlement Provides

Of the $28 million total, about $20.4 million is expected to be distributed to eligible class members after legal fees and penalties are deducted. Eligible workers include those in California who self‑identified as Hispanic, Latinx, Indigenous, Native American, American Indian, Native Hawaiian, Pacific Islander, and/or Alaska Native during the covered period.

Beyond cash payments, Google has also agreed to take steps aimed at addressing the alleged disparities, including reviewing pay and leveling practices for racial and ethnic gaps. The settlement still needs final court approval at a hearing scheduled for later this year, and affected employees will have a chance to opt out or object before any money is distributed.

H2: Google’s Response And The Broader Stakes

A Google spokesperson has said the company disputes the allegations but chose to settle in order to move forward, while reiterating its public commitment to fair pay, hiring, and advancement for all employees. The company has emphasized ongoing internal audits and equity initiatives, though plaintiffs argue those efforts did not prevent or correct the disparities outlined in the lawsuit.

For many observers, the exclusion of Black workers from the settlement highlights the legal and strategic complexities of class‑action discrimination cases, especially in large, diverse workplaces. The outcome of the remaining lawsuit brought on behalf of Black employees, alongside this $28 million deal, will help define how one of the world’s most powerful tech companies is held accountable for alleged racial inequities in pay and promotion.

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Trending

Subscribe for the updates!